Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda (Arabic for "the base") is a worldwide Sunni Islamist militant insurgent group. Founded by Osama bin Laden in 1988 in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda is now dedicated to driving the United States out of the Middle East specifically and out of Muslim countries generally, to destroying Israel, and to toppling pro-Western governments in Islamic countries and replacing them with Islamic fundamentalist governments.

These three goals lead to the organization’s ultimate goal, which is the reestablishment of the caliphate, a nation uniting Muslims and spanning the Islamic world.

The organization is believed to be highly redundant, both financially and operationally. While the various cells that make up the organization are accountable to higher-level leadership, operations appear to be left to the individual cells, while higher levels provide material and logistical support.


Ideas and targets coming from the upper echelons filter down to the individual cells responsible for coordinating and executing the attacks. This redundancy increases the organization’s resiliency; when cells are destroyed or captured, the losses can be contained more effectively than if al-Qaeda were a more linear organization.

Al-Qaeda’s training camps are likewise well organized. The extent of the training and organization is best seen in the group’s multivolume Encyclopedia of Jihad. Several thousand pages in length, the encyclopedia details the bureaucratic workings of the group.

Covered topics include guerrilla warfare, assembling booby traps, tactics for fighting against armored or aerial combat units, urban warfare, intelligence security, data gathering, and chemical weapons tactics.

The group has been linked to or accused of taking part in terrorist acts across the globe beginning in the early 1990s. A list of the attacks against U.S. interests attributed to al-Qaeda includes the 1992 hotel bombings in Aden, Yemen; the February 6, 1993, bombing of the World Trade Center in New York City; attacks carried out on U.S. military forces in Somalia in 1993 and 1994; the June 25, 1996, truck bombing of the Khobar Towers residential compound in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia; the near-simultaneous bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on August 7, 1998; the suicide bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen on October 12, 2000; and the September 11, 2001, airline hijackings and attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center.

The United States is not the group’s only target, however. Al-Qaeda also is linked to the April 2002 bombing of the El Ghriba synagogue in Tunisia; the October 2002 nightclub bombing in Bali, Indonesia; the November 2003 bombings of synagogues and a British bank in Istanbul, Turkey; the March 11, 2004, train bombings in Madrid, Spain; and the July 7, 2005, London transit bombings.

Al-Qaeda is most often represented and understood in regard to its founder, Osama bin Laden (aka Abu Abdallah). Bin Laden was born in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on March 10, 1957. When he was six months old, his father, Muhammad bin Laden, the Yemeni immigrant who established the Saudi Binladin Group, relocated to Jeddah, where Osama grew up.

The Soviet Union’s December 1979 invasion of Afghanistan galvanized the Muslim world in defense of Afghanistan and provided the West with a proxy war through which to combat the Soviet Union. Bin Laden, who had studied economics at King Abdul Aziz University in Jeddah, was one of many spurred to action in defense of Afghanistan.

He made his first trip to neighboring Pakistan in 1980, where he sought ways to contribute to the jihad. Bin Laden made several monetary contributions to the mujahideen, but quickly began looking for other ways to contribute.

Bin Laden joined with Palestinian cleric Abdullah Azzam to found the Services Bureau (Makhtab al-Khidimat, or MAK) in Pakistan in 1984. Azzam, who had taught at King Abdul Aziz University while bin Laden studied there, was indispensable in recruiting.

In addition to providing relief to war victims in Afghanistan, the MAK organized and coordinated the volunteers, donations, and weapons coming into Pakistan and Afghanistan in support of the jihad.

Azzam believed that the young Arab men streaming to Pakistan to participate in the jihad should be scattered among the Afghan functions. Azzam felt that such a mixing of Arabs among the local forces would reap benefits both in Afghanistan and abroad.

Bin Laden saw the situation differently and sought to create his own separate Arab fighting force. He believed that such a force would be a superior fighting unit compared to local Afghan forces. Bin Laden broke with Azzam and established training camps for his Arab force near Jaji, in eastern Afghanistan.

From this base, which they dubbed al-Masadah (the Lion’s Den), bin Laden’s "Arab Afghans" engaged the Soviets in the battle of Jaji in the spring of 1987. It was at this time that bin Laden grew closer to the Egyptian Islamic Jihad (EIJ) and one of its most prominent members, Ayman al Zawahiri, who would become bin Laden’s deputy in al-Qaeda.

When the Soviets announced their planned withdrawal in April 1988, bin Laden began preparations to perpetuate and expand his forces. He began by moving his unit to the area around Jalalabad, Afghanistan, which became known as al-Qaeda; bin Laden would later say that the name remained with the group by accident. Following the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, bin Laden returned to Saudi Arabia.

When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait on August 2, 1990, bin Laden, who had consistently expressed his contempt for the "atheist" Hussein and his Ba’athist government, approached the Saudi king with a plan to use his Arab Afghans to drive Hussein’s forces from Kuwait.

The Saudi government sought to restrict his movements within the kingdom. Bin Laden obtained permission in early 1991 to travel to Pakistan on the pretext of checking in on some business interests and never returned to Saudi Arabia.

In early 1992 bin Laden and al-Qaeda moved to Sudan, where they remained until 1996. Al-Qaeda and the National Islamic Front (NIF), the ruling party in Sudan, enjoyed a symbiotic relationship.

The NIF granted al-Qaeda a safe haven and freedom of movement, while bin Laden made substantial investments in Sudanese industry and agriculture and undertook several large-scale construction projects to develop the infrastructure and agricultural and industrial production capacity of Sudan.

While in the Sudan, bin Laden directed his forces in actions against the communist government of South Yemen. The Arab Afghans also were sent to Bosnia, where they had a substantial impact on that conflict. Bin Laden dispatched al-Qaeda forces into Somalia in response to the buildup of U.S. forces.

In December 1992 President George H. W. Bush sent 28,000 U.S. troops into Somalia on a humanitarian mission in support of United Nations (UN) relief efforts. Bin Laden and al-Qaeda dismissed all humanitarian claims and interpreted the U.S. presence as a way of putting pressure on Islamic regimes and as an effort to establish another base from which to attack Muslim nations.

Al-Qaeda regarded Yemen as a major victory. First, even though the hotels bombed in Yemen did not house U.S. personnel, the transfer of U.S. troops out of Yemen shortly after the hotel bombings indicated to al-Qaeda that they had been successful in driving the Americans from Yemen.

Bin Laden also claimed that the militarily superior U.S. forces were driven from Somalia by a poor, ill-armed people whose only strength was their faith. In his 1996 aliran declaring war against the United States, bin Laden claimed that the most important lesson to be learned from Somalia was that the United States would flee at the first sign of resistance.

The year 1994 was a watershed for bin Laden. He survived two assassination attempts and in April was stripped of his Saudi citizenship in response to the growing threat he represented to the regime.

A jawaban step in his radicalization came in August, when the Saudi government imprisoned clerics Salman al Awdah and Safar al Hawali, who were among the first and most prominent of the clerics circulating cassettes of their sermons against the continued U.S. presence in the Arabian Peninsula, and whose imprisonment bin Laden would later mention in his 1996 fatwa.

Bin Laden and al-Qaeda left Sudan in 1996 and returned to Afghanistan, a move prompted by several factors. In addition to the assassination attempts, bin Laden faced international pressure on the NIF and its de facto leader, Hassan al-Turabi.

The United States and Saudi Arabia sought to have bin Laden silenced and his activities curtailed, and al-Turabi found it increasingly difficult to maneuver and protect bin Laden.

When Sudan started pressuring bin Laden, he returned to Jalalabad. There bin Laden and al-Qaeda entered into a symbiotic relationship with the Taliban ("the students"), who were in the process of consolidating their control over much of the country.

This relationship was similar to that with the NIF in Sudan; bin Laden and his organization gained considerable freedom of movement and protection, while his benefactors benefited from agricultural, infrastructural, and industrial investment and development.

It was during the period between bin Laden’s return to Afghanistan and the 1998 aliran that civilians became targets. Both the 1996 aliran and bin Laden’s 1997 CNN interview spoke of civilians as collateral damage, not as legitimate targets in and of themselves.

By 1998 this had changed, and the aliran issued February 22, 1998, explicitly stated that Americans and their allies, civilians and military alike, were now al-Qaeda targets anywhere they could be found.

Communications from al-Qaeda repeatedly stress their belief that Western governments oppress Muslims and Muslim nations and are engaged in a war against Islam. Bin Laden describes the presence of U.S. forces in "the Land of the Two Holy Places" (Saudi Arabia) as the greatest insult and threat faced by the Islamic world since Muhammad’s lifetime.

In addition to decrying U.S. support for Israel, the group condemns U.S. support for what it considers "apostate regimes", particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Bin Laden also points to the sanctions imposed on Iraq following the Gulf War as one reason to reject any human rights arguments coming from the West.

Al-Qaeda’s idea of the ummah (community of believers; the Islamic world) in opposition to the world derives from the teachings of two prominent Islamic scholars.

Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328) was a 14th-century Islamic scholar who taught that jihad is the duty of each individual Muslim when Islam is attacked, that the Qu’ran should be interpreted literally, and that all Muslims should read the Qu’ran and Hadith (the sayings of the Prophet) for themselves and not rely on a learned clergy. A second influence on al-Qaeda was Sayyid Qutb (1906–66), an Islamist associated with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.

Describing the world as existing between states of belief (Islam) and unbelief (jahiliyya), Qutb condemned Western and Christian civilization. Urging jihad against all enemies of Islam, Qutb believed that there is no middle ground and that all Muslims must take to jihad when Islam is threatened.

These influences are apparent in al-Qaeda’s activities and rhetoric. Bin Laden believes that since the Christians, Jews, and Hindus have nuclear weapons, it is only fitting that Muslims obtain them as well.

Bin Laden also echoes Ibn Taymiyyah in his assertions that the Saudi government is aiding the "crusaders" in plundering the wealth of the ummah, the vast Middle Eastern oil reserves, and by acting to keep oil prices below fair-market value.

Al-Qaeda’s leadership cadre is well educated. Bin Laden has a university degree in economics, and his inner circle contains doctors; agricultural, civil, and electrical engineers; and computer scientists, but no religious scholars.

Rahman’s aliran echoed the call to attack the United States and its allies—civilian and military, anywhere in the world—and contained exhortations to sink ships, shoot down airplanes, and burn corporations and businesses.

Two separate attacks on U.S. warships were made in subsequent years, with the USS Cole attack following an unsuccessful attack on the USS The Sullivans one year earlier. On September 11, 2001, the plot masterminded by Ramzi Binalshibh and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who were arrested in Pakistan in 2002 and 2003, respectively, proceeded along the lines of Rahman’s fatwa.

Portugal

Portugal flag

Portugal has been a land of paradoxes. For much of the 20th century, it was simultaneously a weak, agrarian, poverty-stricken, isolated state on the periphery of Europe and the seat of a vast colonial empire. It had used an alliance with Britain to sustain this paradox for a long time.

Portugal relied on Britain to keep Spain at bay and to secure its claim to its colonial holdings. In return, the Royal Navy enjoyed access to a far-flung network of colonial ports to be used as coaling stations.

Modern nationalism in Portugal dates from the popular reaction to the British ultimatum of 1890, which foiled a Portuguese scheme to connect Angola and Mozambique by seizing the intervening territory.


For half of the 20th century, the country was governed by Western Europe’s most enduring authoritarian regime. Then, in 1974–76, it became the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) country to experience a full-fledged social revolution. After approaching the precipice of civil war, Portuguese society backed down and built a working democracy.

Portugal overthrew its monarchy in 1910. The country established a new constitution the following year and became Europe’s third republic, after Switzerland and France. There were several coups over a 16-year period. In reaction to labor unrest in the early 1920s, extra-parliamentary right-wing organizations arose. These groups lent their support to a bloodless military coup in 1926.

Two years later, in the wake of financial crisis, the military regime brought an economics professor out of the obscurity of the University of Coimbra and named him minister of finance.

António de Oliveira Salazar

António de Oliveira Salazar had a limited set of priorities in that office: to generate a budget surplus and to stockpile gold. He proved to be quite effective at what he set out to do. He quickly overshadowed a succession of military prime ministers and won supporters among officers, clergy, businessmen, bankers, and landowners.

The New State

The military regime was a little more stable than its predecessor. Salazar, whose star was already rising within the regime, founded a new party in 1930, the National Union (União Nacional), to unify the regime’s supporters. In 1932, as the Great Depression advanced, he was appointed prime minister, a position he would hold for the next 36 years.

Salazar promulgated a new constitution in 1933, establishing the New State (Estado Novo). The National Assembly, consisting of the Chamber of Deputies and the Corporatist Chamber, had severely limited powers. Salazar selected nearly all candidates personally.

Rights and liberties proclaimed by the constitution were nullified by government regulation. Various sectors of society were organized from above in corporatist fashion. The political police maintained surveillance over potential opponents, many of whom fled into exile. Censors erased any hint of dissent.

From 1936 to 1944 Salazar was also minister of war. In that position he found he could shrink the size of the army and control officers’ salaries, transfers, retirements, and even marriages.

Officers were encouraged to marry wealthy women so that their salaries could be kept low. A politicized government-run militia, the Portuguese Legion (Legião Portuguesa), partially offset the army’s influence.

Thus it was Salazar, not the military, who consolidated the authoritarian regime. His was a conservative, corporatist police state, but it was not a true fascist state. It did not seek to overthrow traditional elites or mobilize society around its goals.

Rather, Salazar sought to demobilize—or even freeze—society and to reject modernity. Rather than exalting war, Salazar strove for a kind of neutrality. In any event, his austere policies left the armed forces with a very low level of effectiveness.

Spain and World War II

Salazar viewed Spain’s leftist Popular Front government as a threat. When General Francisco Franco rebelled against it in 1936, launching the Spanish civil war, Portugal officially followed the lead of Britain and France by promising nonintervention, but surreptitiously funneled aid to Franco.

Franco’s agents were allowed to operate on Portuguese territory. Thousands of volunteers went to Spain to fight against the Republican cause. At the end of the war, in March 1939, Salazar and Franco signed a treaty of friendship and nonaggression, known informally as the Iberian Pact.

Salazar declared Portugal’s neutrality in World War II on September 1, 1939, the very day Poland was invaded. He also sought to keep the war as far away as possible by bolstering Spain’s neutrality. In the wake of its civil war, Spain was in no condition to take an active role in World War II, but Portugal’s position highlighted the potential costs of even a passive role, as in allowing the Germans to pass through to take the British stronghold of Gibraltar.

The strategic situation changed for the Iberian Peninsula as the Germans became tied down in the Soviet Union and the Allies moved into North Africa and Italy. It was now highly unlikely that Spain would intervene on Germany’s side. Salazar allowed himself to be persuaded to join the Allied cause, albeit passively. From the Allied perspective, the Azores were the key objective.

Situated in the mid-Atlantic, these Portuguese islands would be useful bases both for antisubmarine warfare and for refueling transatlantic flights in the buildup prior to the great invasion of France. First Britain, and then the United States, acquired access to facilities there, and Portugal ceased selling tungsten to Germany while still claiming to be neutral.

Postwar Portugal

Portugal’s shift put it on the winning side, improving its bargaining position in postwar Europe and increasing its chances of getting back East Timor and Macao, which had been occupied by the Japanese.

Still, the semifascist state was in an ambiguous position after the war. It began to describe itself as an "organic democracy" rather than a "civilian police dictatorship", an expression that had been used in the 1930s.

Portugal was not invited to the San Francisco conference, which established the United Nations, and was denied UN membership until 1955. Portugal was, however, a founding member of NATO chiefly because the United States still wanted access to bases in the Azores.

Portugal’s relations with the United States and NATO replaced its traditional alliance with Britain. Unlike Britain’s earlier guarantee of Portugal’s overseas territories, however, NATO’s area of responsibility was expressly restricted to Europe to avoid its being drawn into colonial wars.

A certain "softening" marked the Salazar regime in the postwar era. There was no real institutional change, but some of the more fascistlike institutions were allowed to erode. On the other hand, after a dissident general managed to win 25 percent of the vote in presidential elections in 1958, the direct election of the president was discontinued.

A degree of economic liberalization led to the growth of the service sector and a larger middle class in the 1960s. Industry, previously limited to textile production, added electrical, metallurgical, chemical, and petroleum sectors.

A stroke immobilized the dictator in 1968, although he lingered for two more years. His successor was Marcello José das Neves Caetano, who, not coincidentally, had also succeeded him in his chair at the University of Coimbra.

Caetano brought technocrats into the regime, retired some of Salazar’s old-school hangers-on, and favored economic development over cultivated stagnation, but again the basic system remained.

Africa

War was spreading in the African colonies of Portuguese Guinea (Guinea-Bissau), Angola, and Mozambique. The policy of the New State had been to instill pride among the Portuguese in their empire, a legacy of Portugal’s glory in the age of discovery. The state also reasserted national control over the colonies, where foreign corporations had conducted much of the economic activity.

African farmers were compelled to shift from subsistence crops to cotton for the Portuguese market in the 1930s, and more so as World War II disrupted other trade sources. Portuguese investment in Africa began to take off in the years after the war. Portuguese emigration tripled the white population of Mozambique and quadrupled that of Angola between 1940 and 1960.

Initially, even the outbreak of the wars of national liberation spurred economic growth, as the state responded by boosting civil and military investments. All of these changes disrupted the lives of the Africans, and many of them also undermined the few existing bases of support for Portuguese rule.

In 1961 a revolt against forced cotton cultivation broke out in Angola. Fighting escalated with retributions and counter-retributions; it spread to Guinea in 1963 and Mozambique in 1964. The government quickly repealed forced cultivation and forced labor. It also mobilized troops and dispatched them to Africa.

Large numbers of Africans were concentrated in strategic villages (aldeamentos) where their actions could be controlled. In 1961 the United States called on Portugal to decolonize. The insurgents sought and received military aid from the Soviet bloc and China.

In order to fight the leftist insurgency most effectively, the military high command assigned anabawang officers to read the political tracts of African revolutionary leaders, such as Amílcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau.

To their ultimate surprise, a sizable number of anabawang officers were convinced that the insurgents were right. Some of them also concluded that Portugal itself was an underdeveloped Third World country in need of "national liberation".

Revolution of The Carnation

A diverse group of disgruntled anabawang officers in 1973 formed a clandestine political organization, the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas, MFA). On April 25, 1974, the MFA deposed Caetano. The New State collapsed without resistance. Holding red carnations, demonstrators had persuaded other military units not to resist.

The MFA then stepped back, but this proved only temporary. The young officers would soon be in the midst of a political free-for-all to determine the direction of the revolution. They too coalesced into a number of factions built around competing political orientations and personalities.

Captain Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho became the focal point of one radical faction, once styling himself as the Fidel Castro of Europe. Colonel Vasco Gonçalves began as a moderate, but moved to a position close to the Portuguese Communist Party. A moderate faction, later dubbed the Group of Nine, formed around Lieutenant Colonel Melo Antunes.

Finally, further behind the scenes until the last stages of the revolution were the "operationals", a group of officers largely concerned with professional military matters and associated with Lieutenant Colonel António Ramalho Eanes.

The Junta of National Salvation (Junta de Salvação Nacional) was formed from moderate senior officers. General António de Spínola, a former military governor of Guinea-Bissau, was invited to lead the junta as provisional president of the republic.

Palma Carlos, a liberal law professor, was named provisional prime minister. Political parties of all stripes were legalized, and political prisoners were released. Political exiles streamed back into the country.

Cease-fires were arranged in Africa. In one of the most fateful decisions of the new regime, the leaders promised elections for a constituent assembly within a year, the first real elections in over half a century, and with universal suffrage and proportional representation.

The revolution had released popular tensions that had been building up for decades. Turmoil spread quickly in the newfound freedom, and rival power centers competed to control the situation. Spurred on by the newly legalized Portuguese Communist Party, Maoists and other leftist groups and workers staged strikes and seized factories, shops, and offices.

Students took over schools and denounced teachers for "fascist sympathies". Services broke down, and shortages became common. Right-wing groups, especially in the conservative rural north, began to mobilize and arm themselves.

In July the Palma Carlos government collapsed amid the turmoil, and prominent members of the MFA moved into key positions. Carvalho was promoted to brigadier general and put in charge of the army’s new Continental Operational Command (Comando Operacional do Continente, COPCON), which became the principal arbiter of order as the police disintegrated.

Colonel Vasco Gonçalves was appointed to the position of prime minister. The MFA radicals regularly overruled Spínola’s decisions and also forced him to accept the independence of the colonies.

In September a major demonstration planned by Spínola to bolster his position forced a confrontation with COPCON, which resulted in Spínola’s resignation. General Francisco da Costa Gomes, who was more sympathetic to the left, assumed the presidency.

The most radical phase of the revolution began in March 1975. Spínola launched an unsuccessful coup attempt on March 11. In response, the radical wing of the MFA abolished the Junta of National Salvation and formed the Revolutionary Council (Conselho da Revolução), some 20 officers responsible only to the MFA Delegates’ Assembly.

The council nationalized the banking system, press, utilities, and insurance companies. With elections for the Constituent Assembly scheduled for April 25, the anniversary of the revolution, the MFA pressed a "constitutional pact" on the six largest parties, which recognized the permanent supervisory role of the MFA in a "guided" democracy.

Turnout was high for the elections, in which 12 parties competed, but the outcome shocked the radicals. The moderate Socialist Party came in first with 37.9 percent, followed by the right-of-center Social Democrats (originally called the Popular Democrats) with 26.4 percent. The Communists, the electoral ally of the MFA radicals, garnered only 12.5 percent.

Talk of Civil War

The MFA responded during the "hot summer" (verão quente) of 1975 by styling itself as a national-liberation movement. In the south, landless agricultural laborers seized large estates and declared them collective farms. Moderate Socialists and Social Democrats resigned from the government. Small freehold farmers formed armed groups, held counterrevolutionary demonstrations, and bombed the offices of leftist parties.

Plans were drawn up for a possible alternative government in the north. COPCON was beginning to disintegrate, and individual army units were under pressure to declare their political orientation. Both society and the MFA itself were becoming increasingly polarized, and there was talk of civil war.

As a consequence of the growing tension, Gonçalves and his government were pressed to resign at the end of August, and they did so. A new, more moderate provisional government was installed.

Dissatisfied with this outcome and determined not to "lose" the revolution, radical paratroopers attempted to organize a coup in November 1975. Like Spínola’s coup attempt, however, this backfired. Lieutenant Colonel António Ramalho Eanes, of the MFA’s professional military faction, led a purge of the MFA radicals. COPCON was disbanded and Otelo, its commander, placed under house arrest.

Eanes was named army chief of staff and made a member of the Revolutionary Council. The "constitutional pact" was renegotiated in February 1976. Elections were held for the new Assembly of the Republic in April, and Eanes was elected president in June with 61.5 percent of the vote in the first round.

The Constituent Assembly sought to avoid both the weak, unstable governments of the 1911 constitution and also the authoritarianism of the 1933 constitution. Based on the French model, the new system called for both an elected president with real powers and an executive prime minister chosen by a majority party or coalition in a freely elected parliament.

The renegotiated constitutional pact still called for socialism as the goal of government and society and institutionalized the legacy of the revolution. Moreover, it retained the Revolutionary Council, still a self-appointed and purely military institution, and gave it the power to safeguard the legacy of the revolution and judge the constitutionality of legislation passed by the civilian government.

The first elected government was led by Mário Soares of the moderately leftist Socialist Party. In 1979 however, a center-right government of Social Democrats and Christian Democrats was elected. The inherent tension between the elected government and the essentially undemocratic council became evident as the cabinet sought to privatize portions of the economy.

After a standoff that lasted roughly from 1979 to 1982, a process of normalization set in and the undemocratic vestiges of the revolution were gradually excised. In particular, a constitutional reform in 1982 abolished the Revolutionary Council and sent the army back to the barracks.

In the elections of 1986 Soares became Portugal’s first civilian president in 60 years, replacing Eanes. Another constitutional reform, in 1989, eliminated the requirement to keep the nationalized sector of the economy.

The moderate Socialist and Social Democratic parties had increasingly come to dominate the political system, reducing the need for multiparty coalitions and increasing the stability of government. Portugal had become a far less hierarchical and far more pluralistic, democratic, and dynamic society than it had been before 1974.

In 1986 the European Economic Community (now the European Union) accepted Portugal and Spain simultaneously as members. The opening to trade, the inflow of European investments for infrastructure and other purposes, and the constitutional changes of 1989 spurred growth and helped transform the economy.

Economic growth surpassed the European average in the 1990s and until 2002. While, like any country, Portugal was not without its scandals, controversies, and disagreements, by the end of the century it had become integrated as a solidly democratic, stable, and respected member of the European community.

Native Americans

Native Americans

Native Americans were the featured villains inwards what were likely the inaugural off non-supernatural conspiracy fears experienced past times European migrants to America.

Fear in addition to Loathing inwards the American Woods

The early on American frontier was inwards many ways a deeply fearful place, especially inwards the inaugural off decades of white settlement inwards whatever given region. Settlers knew footling nigh their novel home’s existing occupants, in addition to possessed only the sketchiest notions of how many at that spot were, where they lived, in addition to what their intentions mightiness be.

Though equally many equally 7 1000000 people lived to a higher identify the Rio Grande at the fourth dimension of inaugural off contact, Europeans thought of North America as, inwards Pilgrim leader William Bradford’s words, a “hideous in addition to desolate wilderness”.


In traditional Judeo-Christian culture, wilderness was a identify to live feared rather than cherished, a identify where monsters in addition to devils lived to assay the faith of good, civilized people.

Especially amid the New England Puritans, it was commonly believed that the Indians were devil worshippers out to create their master’s bidding, though non actual devils themselves. (However, it was considered quite probable that the Indians lived amid existent monsters, including dragons!) Thus the expectation of confronting ultimate evil was built into the Puritans’ sense of their “errand into the wilderness”

Certainly non all the colonists shared the Puritans’ high marking of theological dread, but some fearfulness of the Indians was fairly constant in addition to non without justification, since over the inaugural off 3 centuries of European settlement, at that spot was ever some business office of North America where the natives were resisting their ain conquest in addition to displacement.

This resistance often took the cast of a raiding vogue of warfare that was intended to spread terror in addition to normally preferred striking at weakly defended targets, similar an outlying cabin or an isolated outpost. Always seeking ways of fighting that minimized their ain casualties, Indian state of war leaders were non to a higher identify using devious tactics such equally ambushes, sneak attacks, in addition to feigning peaceful intentions.

One of the keen Indian victories during Pontiac’s Rebellion (or War or Conspiracy, depending on your indicate of view) of 1763, the Ojibways’ triumph over the British at Ft. Michilimackinac was accomplished past times lulling the soldiers into complacency amongst a friendly game of ball. The Indian players hitting the ball into the opened upwardly gates of the fort, chased after it, in addition to thus all of a abrupt attacked amongst weapons the Ojibway women had smuggled within the transportation service piece the whites were watching the game.

Native american human foot soldiers

Though the European armies of the Early Modern Period were no slouches at wreaking decease in addition to devastation on the civilian population, Indian warfare was perceived equally peculiarly in addition to intimately awful. In some ways Indians were improve at distinguishing their targets than whites were—the French were often spared inwards raids on European outposts— but their military machine customs made few allowances for noncombatants.

Indian massacre stories invariably featured a scene inwards which a warrior tore an babe from her mother’s arms in addition to dashed her caput against a hearth or a tree; this became a cliché, but past times no way 1 without a footing inwards reality. Numerous mutual practices of Indian warfare haunted the dreams of European settlers, soldiers, in addition to officials, especially the scalping or other mutilation of victims’ bodies in addition to the taking of captives to live assimilated into Indian society.

(It should live noted that whites fighting Indians made few such allowances themselves, in addition to showed far less involvement than the Indians inwards taking captives. Nevertheless, white attacks on Indian villages were called “raids” or “battles,” piece successful Indian attacks on white settlements or military machine posts were termed “massacres.”)


This fearfulness of assimilation past times an alien, collectively minded society, a recurrent theme inwards the annals of American conspiracy theory, has 1 of its roots inwards tales of captivity amid the Indians. Some of the stories fifty-fifty admitted what historians receive got flora to live true, that many captives, especially women in addition to children, were successfully assimiliated, in addition to showed footling want to provide to European ways. Ever to a greater extent than lurid Indian captivity narratives became a staple of American pop culture, in addition to perhaps its inaugural off unique contribution to populace literature.

The before comment nigh Indians haunting settlers’ dreams should live taken quite literally. Recent interpretations of the 1692 Salem witchcraft crisis receive got emphasized the purpose of New England’s lateseventeenth-century Indian wars (1675–1678 in addition to 1688–1691) inwards generating the psychological stress in addition to supernatural fears that exploded inwards Massachusetts.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 large number of the accusers had some at in 1 lawsuit or immediate household unit of measurement sense amongst the Indian wars, in addition to those who didn’t had likely read Mary Rowlandson’s popular, in addition to thus lately published volume on her sense equally a captive during the before conflict, King Philip’s War. The witchcraft evil was thought to receive got inaugural off come upwardly from Indian powwows inwards the forest, in addition to the devil appeared to several Massachusetts women equally “a thing similar an Indian,” or “a Tawny man”.

Accuser Mary Toothaker of Billerica finally admitted nether questioning that she had lashed out because she was “troubled w’h feare nigh the Indians, & used to dream of fighting amongst them.” Toothaker claimed to receive got signed upwardly amongst the devil herself because he had “promised to maintain her from the Indians”.

At to the lowest degree these colonial New Englanders had some at in 1 lawsuit or nearly at in 1 lawsuit sense of the Indians they feared thus much. In afterwards centuries, far to a greater extent than white Americans eagerly consumed Indian atrocity stories some the household unit of measurement tabular array in addition to inwards pop literature in addition to newspapers than ever interacted amongst Indians or witnessed an Indian raid.

Given the emphasis placed on the depredations of “murderous savages” inwards their information nigh the Indians, it is perhaps non surprising that nineteenth-century migrants heading to the Pacific coast on the Overland Trail brought hair-trigger emotions to all their thoughts in addition to actions concerning Indians.

Many reported their scalps itching at the really thought of Indians. Most westering travelers suffered “far more,” according to historian Glenda Riley, “from their ain anxieties what could come about to them than from what really did happen”.

Unfortunately, the Indians themselves did suffer, at the hands of settlers who were easily panicked into acts of violence in addition to prejudice, in addition to eager to back upwardly harsh regime policies against Indians, having learned to bargain amongst their anxieties past times fearing in addition to hating the natives.

The Myth of the Superchief

Although it would live stretching the Definition of conspiracy theory to include all fears of Indian assault inwards this category, much of what settlers, soldiers, in addition to regime officials believed nigh the Indians sure does qualify. Whites often became convinced that the Indians of different villages, tribes, in addition to languages were leagued against them, in addition to secretly plotting mayhem fifty-fifty when relations were peaceful in addition to friendly.

In some respects, a conspiracy model of Indian conduct came naturally to Europeans, who struggled to sympathize or fifty-fifty perceive the complex cultural, social, in addition to political distinctions amid the diverse Indian groups they encountered. As amongst many cross-cultural conspiracy theories, it was slow to displace from lumping all Indians together culturally to believing that all Indians were working together against the colonists.

This pattern emerged fifty-fifty before the get-go of permanent settlement. The leaders of the 1585 lost colony of Roanoke abandoned their isle off the coast of introduce North Carolina out of a belief that Pemisapan, the weroance of the local Indian village, had organized a region-wide conspiracy, involving many tribes, to starve in addition to and thus wipe out the colony.

According to historian Michael Oberg, Pemisapan had likely done naught to a greater extent than than “grown weary of an intolerant, violent, contagious, in addition to subject people”, and, quite understandably, moved his hamlet off Roanoke Island to a to a greater extent than congenial neighborhood. Even so, colony commander Ralph Lane led a forcefulness that brought dorsum the weroance’s head, the culmination of a pattern of precipitous, threatening actions past times Lane.

“No conspiracy is needed,” writes Oberg, to explicate the growing hostility of the region’s Indians to the Roanoke colony. The English linguistic communication settlement abruptly shifted locations after Pemisapan’s death, in addition to disappeared completely a few years after that.

Pemisapan represents the original version of 2 ideas that became touchstone parts of conspiracy theories nigh the Indians: the Indian mastermind or monarch inwards command of tens of thousands of warriors, in addition to the unfaithful Indian ally or convert.

From “Pemisapan’s Conspiracy” on, serious or widespread Indian resistance was normally attributed past times Europeans in addition to afterwards chroniclers to the machinations of some preternaturally brilliant, all-powerful “superchief” (Bourne, 202).

This analysis may receive got been somewhat accurate for the Powhatan Indian rebellions against Virginia inwards 1622 in addition to 1644, which almost destroyed the colony in addition to are to a greater extent than often than non thought to live the run of the state of war principal turned paramount principal Opechanacanough, Pocahontas’s uncle, in addition to the reputed ability behind her manlike someone raise Powhatan’s throne.

The reputations of most other putative Indian masterminds were built on much shakier foundations. In many cases, a widespread conflict was blamed on someone who was really only a major figure inwards some critical early on encounter, or promoted himself equally the primary conspirator inwards a afterwards treaty amongst the white authorities.

For instance, New England propagandists depicted their apocalyptic, region-wide Indian state of war of 1675–1678 equally the run of Philip, sachem of Pokanoket, whom they dubbed “King Philip” to reemphasize their claim that the conflict was, equally Russell Bourne puts it, “not a serial of separate raids past times provoked people but a brilliantly orchestrated war, conducted past times a devilish military machine genius”.

Besides personalizing the conflict equally conspiracy theories thus often do, this conspiratorial stance of the New England Indians’ resistance was a political in addition to ethical convenience for whites, who were authorized past times their belief inwards this evil plot to ignore the purpose of their ain conduct inwards the Indians’ unrest, choose extreme measures against tribes whose the world rights conflicted amongst their ambitions, in addition to to declare the occupation solved when the designated villain was eliminated.

Philip (who changed his cite from Metacom when he became sachem) was the boy of Massassoit, the Indian principal who had befriended the Pilgrims in addition to allowed their Plymouth Colony to survive. Relations had deteriorated after Massassoit’s decease equally the local fur merchandise dried upwardly in addition to agricultural settlement expanded, bringing livestock that consumed the Indians’ open-field crops in addition to forcing them into economical dependence upon whites.

Philip in addition to his people also chafed nether Plymouth’s unequal laws, which had lately been used to travail to hang 3 of Philip’s followers. Plymouth leaders coveted the Pokanokets’ land, in addition to eagerly accepted rumors circulated against Philip past times the sachem’s Indian political rivals, to the final result the sachem planned a major war, mayhap inwards concert amongst the French.

When Philip was recorded at a coming together amongst Rhode Island officials complaining nigh his people’s mistreatment past times Plymouth, in addition to vowing that he was “determined non to alive until I receive got no country”, the drapery of conspiratorial mastermind was fitted in addition to cook to live forced on him.

Philip was thought to live seeking the extermination of New England’s white population. The Pokanokets did get hostilities amongst a much exaggerated raid on the nearby town of Swansea, but Philip himself spent the state of war running piece the Narragansetts, Abenakis, in addition to other tribes some New England did most of the fighting.

He nonetheless ever remained New England’s primary target, in addition to past times the terminate of the war, his hamlet had vanished, his married adult woman in addition to boy had been sold into slavery, in addition to his dismembered trunk was on display inwards the town of Plymouth.

Pontiac played a similarly inflated purpose inwards accounts of the 1763 “conspiracy” that bears his name. An obscure Odawa state of war leader (not a chief), Pontiac touched off a frontier-wide uprising but really led only 1 stage of it, the failed siege of Ft. Detroit.

Both he in addition to the British tried to advance their interests inwards the aftermath of the war, finally a peace treaty that bolstered British claims to the Trans-Appalachian West in addition to acknowledged Pontiac an Indian potentate, but likely got the old rebel assassinated equally a traitor to the Indian cause.

As they had long done amongst the alleged “conquests” of the Iroquois “Empire,” the British authorities in addition to the Anglo-American colonists exaggerated Pontiac’s ability in addition to condition inwards ways that magnified both the military machine threat he posed in addition to the glory in addition to ability that accrued to those who had pacified him.

The operative theory regarding Pontiac in addition to many other superchiefs was good expressed inwards “Ponteach, or the Savages of America,” a drama published inwards 1766 past times French in addition to Indian War hero Robert Rogers.

Rogers’s Ponteach is a haughty woods emperor set tragically depression past times his pride. “This Country’s mine, in addition to hither I reign equally King,” a Rex whose “Empire’s measured only past times the Sun,” the grapheme asserts inwards explaining his disdain for British authority.

In fact, it is unlikely that full general Indian uprisings could ever receive got been the run of a unmarried conspiratorial mastermind, or fifty-fifty a knot of them. The primitive nature of the available way of communication alone—symbolic state of war belts of clamshell beads (“wampum”) were used to coordinate the 1763 risings—precluded whatever variety of command in addition to control. Conspiracies were unlikely for to a greater extent than fundamental cultural reasons equally well.

Most North American Indian tribes lacked whatever variety of truthful principal executive who could impose his volition on his followers. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 chief, different a European general, governor, or king, drew his ability non from police line or force, but only from the honour in addition to dear that his prowess, wisdom, in addition to generosity had garnered amid his people, who could obey him or non equally they chose.

The superchief mythology, from the exaggerations of the leader’s influence in addition to the depth of his scheming to the pop dramas (and often identify names) that celebrated his nobility inwards defeat, was applied successively to every meaning Indian resistance leader after Pontiac, from John Logan of the 1774 Lord Dunmore’s War (immortalized inwards Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia for his oratorical prowess) to Tecumseh, Black Hawk, in addition to Osceola inwards the early on nineteenth century and, inwards a somewhat less conspiratorial vein, to such far western Indian rebels equally Cochise, Geronimo, Sitting Bull, in addition to Crazy Horse. It was applied retroactively to Philip inwards 1 of the antebellum era’s most pop plays, “Metamora.”

The celebrity that the superchief myth brought all of these men should non obscure how damaging it was to Indian people when they were soundless struggling to remain inwards their homelands. In their time, the names of all of these leaders were capable of plunging whole frontiers into panic, in addition to such panics normally brought on white military machine campaigns that would live followed past times the expropriation of Indian lands.

“Our Most Dangerous Enemies”: Indian Converts in addition to Allies equally Victims of Conspiracy Fears

Far to a greater extent than harmful than the “superchief” myth, inwards damage of the brutality it inspired inwards whites, was the related conspiracy theory that all Indians alike were actual or potential enemies, no affair what mental attitude they professed to concur toward whites. Even Indians who had acquire Christians, pursued white occupations, in addition to lived peaceably nigh white towns for decades were treated equally probable traitors, spies, in addition to saboteurs.

Since the get-go of European contact, the colonizers had been urging the natives to lay downward their weapons, adopt European ways of life, in addition to convert to the Christian religion. Most Indians resisted this pressure level when they could, but for many resistance became impossible in 1 lawsuit European settlement had engulfed their homelands.

Some responded to the urgings of Christian missionaries in addition to adopted the faith, piece others sought to only alive equally quietly equally they could, at peace amongst the settlers or fifty-fifty joining inwards the whites’ battles amongst other Indians.

In most of the colonies, then, at that spot were at to the lowest degree small-scale communities of peaceful in addition to often Christian Indians living nigh white towns in addition to farms. In times of full general Indian conspiracy scares, these communities became deeply suspicious to whites, in addition to often suffered equally much or to a greater extent than than the tribes really engaged inwards hostilities.

The residents of Puritan missionary John Eliot’s “praying towns” discovered this during King Philip’s War. Stories circulated of “Praying Indians” joining inwards raids on Christian towns in addition to spying for the rebels. According to historian Jenny Hale Pulsipher, “The English linguistic communication were quick to believe tales of Christian Indian perfidy,” in addition to the burning of English linguistic communication barns or haystacks “became pretexts for English linguistic communication violence against the praying towns”.

The Christian Indians at Wamesit had to abandon their hamlet in addition to nutrient supplies inwards belatedly 1675 after furious English linguistic communication militiamen fired on them without alarm on 2 separate occasions, inwards 1 incident wounding a number of women in addition to children, a twelve-year-old fatally. Various Puritan commentators questioned the sincerity of Indian religious conversions in addition to depicted the “Praying Indians” equally contemptible mockeries of Christianity.

Sometimes amongst in addition to sometimes without official approval, New England troops sacked the villages of Indian Christians in addition to Indian allies. Meanwhile, the authorities close downward many praying towns in addition to interned numerous friendly natives on barren Deer Island inwards Boston Harbor. Some praying Indians fifty-fifty shared the fate of Philip’s family, enslavement inwards the Caribbean.

Other groups of peaceful Christian Indians were visited past times some of the worst atrocities inwards the annals of European-Indian relations inwards North America. The infamous Paxton Boys massacre, for instance, was business office of the fallout from the conspiracy theories surrounding Pontiac.

The Pennsylvania frontier had been wracked past times Indian raids both during the 1763 rebellion in addition to the French in addition to Indian War that preceded it. There were a number of Christian Indian villages inwards the colony, including Conestoga, where a handful of people eked out a meager living selling bowls in addition to baskets.

Looking for payback in addition to charging that some of the Conestoga men had fought amongst Pontiac, a number of men from the town of Paxton, on the Susquehanna River inwards east-central Pennsylvania, concluded that these supposedly friendly Indians amounted to a “Basket & Broom-making Bandittey” who were “in Reality our most unsafe enemies”.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 calendar week in addition to a one-half before Christmas, 1763, fiftyfour Scots-Irish men from Paxton rode to Conestoga, in addition to shot in addition to hacked to decease 6 Indians they flora there, allegedly inwards revenge for Pontiac’s Rebellion. Local authorities gathered the surviving Conestogas (who had been lucky plenty to live out) in addition to placed them inwards a workhouse for protection. The men from Paxton presently rode inwards in addition to killed the rest.

Far from horrifying their beau Pennsylvanians, the “Paxton Boys” flora themselves at the caput of a pop cause. Their numbers swelled amongst novel recruits, the Paxton Boys rode downward to Philadelphia, inwards arms, to choose some Christian Delaware Indians beingness protected at that spot in addition to topple the regime itself if necessary. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 manifesto was issued inwards which the supposedly Quaker-dominated regime of Pennsylvania was charged amongst beingness insensitive to frontier needs because it was also soft on the Indians.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 poetry form called “The Cloven Foot Discovered” expressed the settlers’ stance that whites who gave sympathy or assistance to whatever Indians were traitors to their beau colonists in addition to beau travelers of the Indians’ subway plots against the frontier settlements:

Go, skilful Christians, never spare
To give your Indians Clothes to wear
Send ’em skilful Beef, in addition to Pork, in addition to Bread,
Guns, Powders, Flints, in addition to Stores of Lead,
To Shoot Your Neighbours Through the Head;...
Encourage every friendly Savage
To murder, burn, destroy, in addition to ravage.

Only some fast talking past times leading Pennsylvania political leader Benjamin Franklin finally defused the Paxton Boys situation, but non before to a greater extent than than 50 of the “protected” Christian Delawares died of diseases inwards the city.

Time in addition to in 1 lawsuit again inwards early on America, peaceful Christian Indians flora that the most unsafe identify to live was anywhere nigh their supposed allies in addition to coreligionists, the Anglo-American settlers.

No affair how devout a Christian in addition to firmly committed to peace in addition to friendship amongst whites a grouping of Indians mightiness be, many settlers assumed all Indians were secretly conspiring against them, in addition to inwards the correct circumstances mightiness slaughter whatever Indians they happened to run across. The biggest occupation that the immature the States had inwards recruiting Indian allies during the Revolutionary War was the fact that pro-American chiefs kept getting killed past times American soldiers.

By far the most heinous illustration of intentional “friendly fire” on Indians during the Revolution tin live flora inwards a 1782 incident that came to live known equally the Gnadenhutten massacre, inwards introduce east-central Ohio. The “Ohio Country” was a bitter battleground betwixt the British in addition to Indians on the 1 hand, in addition to the settlers exactly southward of the Ohio River inwards Kentucky on the other.

High German American missionaries from a sect called the Moravians had converted large numbers of Delaware Indians who lived inwards this expanse to Christianity in addition to kept them on the American side. The Moravians were pacifists, thus in 1 lawsuit converted these Indians did non fifty-fifty believe inwards fighting.

The Christian Indians of Gnadenhutten happened to live harvesting their corn 1 24-hour interval inwards 1782 when a state of war political party of American settlers appeared. They were pursuing some hostile Indians who had been seen inwards the area.

The settlers charged the friendly villagers of Gnadenhutten amongst beingness warriors, pointing to the existence of European implements, such equally axes, spoons, in addition to tea kettles, inwards this hamlet of Indians who had adopted white lifestyles, equally evidence they had killed in addition to stolen from whites.

On the strength of this flimsy evidence, the Gnadenhutten Indians were sentenced to death. They spent the black praying to the European God, in addition to inwards the morning time the settlers dragged the Indians out of their cabins inwards groups of 2 or 3 in addition to executed them amongst a mallet thus equally non to waste matter ammunition.

These sorts of incidents often turned white suspicions nigh Christian in addition to friendly Indians into self-fulfilling prophecies. With friends similar the American settlers, many Indians reasoned, who needed enemies?

During wars in addition to state of war scares amongst neighboring colonial powers similar Great Britain, France, in addition to Spain, most Indians amongst whatever access to the “foreign” ability were quite willing to run amongst them against the settlers and/or the the States if they mayhap could, though the Indians’ fondest want was ever to live left relatively independent of whatever European power.

Colonial in addition to U.S. officials oftentimes turned this rational pattern of Indian conduct into the footing of some other variety of conspiracy theory, of the Indians equally cat’s-paws of foreigners out to split upwardly off pieces of their territory or curb American expansion.

Andrew Jackson inaugural off made a cite for himself past times brutally precluding the possibility that the southeastern Indians mightiness collaborate amongst the Castilian or British to block the the States from accessing the Gulf Coast in addition to its ports.

This was the basic aim of his campaigns against the Creeks, the British, in addition to the Seminoles betwixt 1813 in addition to 1818, which began amongst a settler panic nigh a “massacre” at Ft. Mims inwards Alabama, in addition to ended amongst the summary execution of 2 British citizens in addition to an Indian religious leader in addition to the forcible U.S. annexation of Castilian Florida.

But at to the lowest degree Jackson’s enemies were really hostile to the United States. Unfortunately, the mistreatment of friendly in addition to Christian Indians continued long after the indicate had passed when Indians posed whatever existent threat to the the States in addition to fifty-fifty inwards cases where they could hardly receive got done to a greater extent than to demonstrate their loyalty. Perhaps the most egregious illustration of many occurred inwards Civil War era Minnesota.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 grouping of Winnebago Indians, previously removed past times the regime from their Wisconsin homeland, were living peacefully inwards the vogue of white farmers inwards the expanse some Blue Earth. When a Sioux uprising broke out inwards 1862, the Winnebago were forced out of their homes equally a safety threat, in addition to sent to a novel reservation inwards a barren department of introduce Nebraska.

The Winnebago had no connection to the Sioux outbreak, in addition to could non receive got made much of a military machine contribution to it inwards whatever case, since most of the fighting-age Winnebago men were serving inwards the Union regular army at the time. The Winnebago veterans would observe no homes to provide to after the war. At that point, many of them doubtless wished they had been conspiring against the United States.

Slave Power

Slave Power

During the antebellum period, northerners opposed to slavery feared that a modest grouping of southern slave-holders was conspiring to gain command of the federal regime together with run it to farther southern slave-holding interests. These northerners argued that the conspiracy sought to expand the South’s political ability at the expense of northern whites’ liberties.

The Republican Party, which developed during the tense sectional politics of the 1850s, made the fullest run of this argument. Its leading figures, such equally Charles Sumner, William Seward, together with Joshua Giddings, were amidst the most active proponents of the theory that a “Slave Power Conspiracy” existed inwards the South.

Their arguments asserted that this conspiracy was committed to the defence forcefulness of slavery together with was an aristocratic relic inwards democratic America, 1 that failed to observe such basic rights equally liberty of speech, assembly, the press, together with conscience.


From 1845 to 1860, the number of northerners who came to believe inwards the beingness of the conspiracy increased considerably. Though at that topographic point was no cabal of slaveholders who truly tried to assume command of the federal government, the words together with actions of the men of the slaveholding southern states led many northerners to fright that such a conspiracy existed.

Fear of conspiracies had a historical precedent inwards the United States, together with was 1 of the reasons why northerners gave acceptance to the Slave Power Conspiracy. They could refer to a number of conspiracy theories believed to remove keep threatened republican liberties inwards America.

During the colonial era, England had sought to deprive American colonists of their liberties. After the Revolution, at that topographic point were charges that the Bavarian Illuminati sought to subvert the American Republic.

Federalists together with Jeffersonian Republicans traded allegations that the other political party sought to sell out the novel nation to either Great UK of Britain together with Northern Republic of Ireland or France. Burr’s conspiracy of 1804, fright of Masonic subterfuge inwards the 1820s together with 1830s, together with the suspected designs of the Catholic Church were 3 to a greater extent than examples of alleged conspiracies inwards the midst of republican America.

Antislavery northerners could non concur upon the number of southern members of the conspiracy. William Seward believed at that topographic point were 350,000 southerners involved, but Gamaliel Bailey included all household unit of measurement members of slaveholders together with thus came upwardly alongside the figure of 2 million.

Lincoln, the republicans, together with slave power

Other proponents of the “Slave Power” theory included inwards the count northerners who had concern relationships or political sympathies alongside the slaveholding South. Despite these varying estimates, all agreed that the political ability of this conspiracy was considerable equally it drew upon the wealthiest, most politically influential segment of southern gild (Gienapp).

Members of the “Slave Power” shared a belief inwards several principles. First, they accepted the premise of the “positive good” declaration nearly slavery, believing that slavery lifted the African out of savagery together with heathenism together with turned him into a Christian servant, cheerfully laboring for a kindly master copy who together with so cared for the slave inwards his declining years.

Second, these slaveholders believed that they had a correct to ain the labor, equally good equally the bodies, of their slaves. Third, the slaveholders argued that slavery was legal together with constitutional.


They believed that zip inwards the Constitution precluded the ownership of slaves; inwards fact, they asserted that the Constitution protected their ownership of slaves through the protection of private holding afforded yesteryear the Fifth Amendment, which protects life, liberty, together with holding from dry soil seizure without due process. They asserted that slavery was largely a dry soil matter, regulated yesteryear private states, which supported the establishment through the creation of elaborate slave codes.

Origins of the Conspiracy

Abolitionists were the initiative off grouping to brand the accuse that a “Slave Power” existed. Their postal drive of 1835, which sent abolitionist literature to southern slaveholders, together with petition drives, which inundated Congress alongside abolitionist petitions, drew the immediate ire of southern whites. President Andrew Jackson instructed southern postmasters non to deliver this literature.

In 1836, the House of Representatives, nether pressure level from southerners, adopted the “gag rule,” which tabled without word all abolitionist petitions sent to that body. Protection of slavery superseded protection of First Amendment rights for northerners. Abolitionists began to publicize these attacks on the liberties of northern whites, together with this proved to locomote an effective strategy that would pay dividends inwards subsequently decades.

Though abolitionists began to run the concept of the “Slave Power” around 1835, some abolitionists together with northern politicians went dorsum to the offset of the federal regime to seek the origins of the “Slave Power.” They discovered the roots of the work inwards some of the compromises made at the Constitutional Convention of 1787.

These compromises included the three-fifths clause, which gave the South additional political power; a provision for a fugitive slave law, subsequently passed inwards 1793, which obligated northern states to provide runaway slaves to their original states; together with the twenty-year extension of the international slave merchandise until 1808.

The Missouri Crisis of 1819–1821 reawakened fears of the expansion of slavery amidst many northerners. Missouri was business office of the Louisiana Purchase together with lay on the westward banking concern of the Mississippi River, where it served equally the gateway to the western territories.

Northern concerns included the damaging consequence of slavery on the gratis project economic scheme of the western territories, the preservation of western lands for white non-slaveholding men, the failure of the US of America to alive upwardly to the ideals enshrined inwards the Declaration of Independence together with the Constitution, the growth of southern political power, together with the growing opposition to the establishment of slavery. The Tallmadge Amendment, proposed yesteryear James Tallmadge, sought to ban the farther importation of slaves into Missouri together with to laid out the procedure of gradual emancipation inwards that state.

The Missouri Compromise of 1820, however, permitted Missouri to shape a dry soil regime without regard to slavery, but it also created a geographic line of piece of work at 36°30' northward latitude (the southern boundary of Missouri) inwards a higher house which slavery could non expand into the residual of the Louisiana Purchase. It also admitted Maine into the union, thus preserving the sectional balance betwixt gratis together with slave states.

The side yesteryear side major trial that contributed to the fright of a “Slave Power Conspiracy” was the Texas annexation number of 1845. Texas had gained its independence from United Mexican States inwards 1836, but U.S. presidents had rebuffed Texans’ requests for annexation. Fear of state of war alongside United Mexican States together with sectional discord at domicile over the slavery number were the deciding factors inwards those decisions.

There was an equal number of gratis together with slave states inwards the Union, together with Texas, which would locomote a slave state, threatened to disrupt this balance of power. John Tyler, hoping to win reelection inwards 1844, used the number of Texas annexation equally a political tool.

His reelection bid failed, but Texas entered the Union equally a slave dry soil inwards 1845. Some extreme northerners, such equally John Smith Dye, charged that John C. Calhoun led the plot to annex Texas, together with when President William Henry Harrison refused to assent to the plan, the president died of an disease that resembled arsenic poisoning.

Calhoun claimed Tyler, the lately inaugurated vice-president, was fully inwards understanding alongside Calhoun’s plan, pointing to the fact that Tyler appointed Calhoun secretarial assistant of dry soil together with several years later, Texas was a slave state.

However, this interpretation left out 2 substitution points: first, the US of America had long sought Texas, together with second, the US of America feared that Great UK of Britain together with Northern Republic of Ireland mightiness shape an alliance alongside Texas, a diplomatic displace that would remove keep derailed the expansionist goals of Manifest Destiny.

The annexation of Texas helped pave the way for a state of war alongside Mexico, a state of war that antislavery northerners believed to locomote motivated yesteryear southern slaveholders bent on the acquisition of to a greater extent than territory for slavery southward of 36°30'.

During this war, David Wilmot, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, proposed an amendment to a spending nib that demanded that slavery non locomote permitted to spread into whatever territories that the US of America mightiness larn from Mexico. The amendment, known equally the Wilmot Proviso, attracted dandy back upwardly amidst northern Democrats together with Whigs, together with passed inwards the House of Representatives, thank y'all to a northern bulk inwards that chamber.

The amendment died inwards the Senate, where the 2 sections enjoyed parity. The Wilmot Proviso thus went the way of the Tallmadge Amendment, supported inwards the House but rejected inwards the Senate. Antislavery northerners chalked upwardly this defeat to southern political ability aided yesteryear its northern allies.

The Growing Threat of “Slave Power”

Out of the Mexican War came the Mexican Cession, which gave the US of America a massive improver of dry soil inwards the southwest together with along the Pacific coast. When the territory of California asked to locomote admitted into the Union equally a gratis dry soil inwards 1850, southerners feared the loss non solely of valuable territory but also of political power.

California’s entry into the Union would contestation the balance of ability inwards the Senate inwards the North’s favor together with violent debates erupted inwards Congress. Out of the sectional bitterness emerged the Compromise of 1850, which allowed California to locomote a gratis dry soil together with also resulted inwards a novel Fugitive Slave Law. This police delineate concerned many northerners because it placed the national regime inwards the seat of aiding the recapture of fugitive slaves.

Federal marshals could require whatever northerner to assist inwards a search for runaway slaves, without regard to northern citizens’ feelings nearly slavery. The police delineate also stripped the defendant fugitive of the rights of habeas corpus, trial yesteryear jury, together with testifying on his or her ain behalf.

Abolitionists used these features of the police delineate to combat their instance to adept effect, alert that what happened to the defendant fugitive slaves could hap to gratis white men. They also warned that slaveholders wished to spread slavery throughout the nation together with the Americas.

In the 1850s, many antislavery northerners grew concerned nearly growing ties betwixt southern expansionists together with the national regime together with the possible improver of novel slave states to the union. One such illustration of these unopen ties was the Ostend Manifesto (1854).

Three U.S. ministers met inwards Ostend, Belgium, together with issued this manifesto, which declared that Castilian claims to Republic of Cuba were unnatural together with that Kingdom of Spain ought to sell the isle to the United States. The manifesto asserted that the US of America should seize Republic of Cuba if it failed inwards its efforts to buy it from Spain.

At this fourth dimension at that topographic point were also several efforts led yesteryear southern filibusters to works life U.S. command over Republic of Cuba together with Nicaragua. Fears of presidential back upwardly for these ventures were greatly exaggerated, equally the actions taken yesteryear the administrations of Presidents Franklin Pierce together with James Buchanan to disavow them or to halt filibustering expeditions attested (May).

Northern fears of southern expansionism were non express to overseas activities. There was fifty-fifty greater concern that slavery would spread to the western territories. When Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois proposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act inwards 1853, which would practise territories through which a transcontinental railroad would locomote constructed, he needed southern back upwardly inwards monastic tell to win its passage.

Douglas seized upon the thought of pop sovereignty, which allowed the residents of a territory to determine if it would locomote slave or free. Since the territories inwards interrogation lay northward of the Missouri Compromise line, Douglas’s proposal meant the repeal of the 1820 line. The Kansas-Nebraska Act passed Congress inwards 1854, but led to increased fright of the beingness of the “Slave Power Conspiracy.”

Both North together with South sent settlers to Kansas, the territory most probable to locomote a slave state, to determine the territory’s gratis or slave status. After a fraudulent ballot, inwards which Missouri “border ruffians” illegally cast ballots, a proslavery regime began inwards Lecompton.

Under the proslavery constitution, men who espoused antislavery opinions lost their correct to vote, patch supporters of slavery from exterior the territory could vote, equally long equally they swore to back upwardly the Fugitive Slave Law together with the Kansas-Nebraska Act together with paid a dollar on election day.

Newspapers that opposed slavery committed a felony together with their editors faced imprisonment, patch the decease penalization awaited those who helped slaves escape. Free-state Kansans established a competition regime inwards Topeka together with during the ensuing impasse, Kansas descended into a civil war.

Proslavery forces “sacked” the free-state town of Lawrence inwards May 1856, an activity widely reported inwards northern newspapers sympathetic to the novel Republican Party, whose stated destination was to halt the western expansion of slavery inwards the territories. These accounts strengthened the conviction that the Slave Power was at work, attempting to spread slavery into Kansas yesteryear whatever agency possible.

Additional evidence of the willingness of the “Slave Power” to run violence to defend slavery occurred that same calendar week inwards Washington when Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina assaulted Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. Sumner had spoken against the outrages inwards Kansas, slavery, together with the defenders of slavery, including Senator Andrew Butler, Brooks’s uncle.

Brooks hitting Sumner on the caput alongside a cane several times together with inflicted serious injuries that kept Sumner from his Senate duties for 2 together with a one-half years. Southern newspapers together with pop catch defended this attack. These defenses prompted renewed fears inwards the North that the civil liberties together with physical security of slavery’s opponents were inwards grave peril.

From the Dred Scott Case to Secession

In 1857, the Supreme Court decided the instance of Dred Scott v. Sanford. The courtroom decided that Dred Scott, a slave from Missouri, could non sue because he was non a citizen, together with that blacks could never locomote citizens, that slaves were constitutionally protected property, together with thus that Congress could non regulate or bound slavery inwards the territories.

The Missouri Compromise of 1820 together with pop sovereignty were declared unconstitutional together with thus the instance opened the way for the expansion of slavery throughout the territories. Many Republicans defendant President James Buchanan, who had discussed the instance alongside several justices earlier his inauguration, together with the Supreme Court of conspiring alongside the Slave Power to convey nearly this outcome.

This conclusion was untrue equally the Supreme Court was bitterly divided over the instance together with Buchanan’s remarks nearly the impending determination were typed earlier he spoke alongside the justices at his inauguration. Notwithstanding, many northerners at 1 time feared that the side yesteryear side footstep of the Supreme Court would locomote to strike downwards northern dry soil laws that forbade slavery’s existence, thus nationalizing slavery.

Buchanan became the focus of some other struggle involving the “Slave Power” inwards 1858 when he presented the Lecompton Constitution to Congress together with defended it equally the volition of the people of Kansas. Voters inwards Kansas had overwhelmingly rejected the proposed constitution, but Buchanan asserted that Kansas was a slave dry soil together with that free-state forces were disloyal. To deny Kansas admission to the wedlock equally a slave state, he asserted, would anger the South.

Republicans denounced Buchanan equally a willing tool of the “Slave Power,” together with charged that southerners sought a slave dry soil to counterbalance California together with restore a sectional balance of power. In the end, alongside the assist of Stephen Douglas, Congress rejected the Lecompton Constitution. Kansas would eventually bring together the Union equally a gratis dry soil during the presidency of Abraham Lincoln.

In the belatedly 1850s, potent sentiment for reopening the African slave merchandise emerged inwards the cotton-producing states of the Deep South. Supporters of this movement claimed that the 1808 prohibition was unconstitutional together with a reply to northern antislavery fanaticism.

Defenders of this policy argued that additional slaves would give the South greater political ability inwards the House of Representatives, where the three-fifths clause held sway, together with restore a sectional balance of power.

The concluding dandy human activity of the “Slave Power” was secession from the Union, offset alongside South Carolina on 20 Dec 1860. Slaveholders feared that the novel Republican management of President Lincoln, elected inwards 1860, would comprehend an abolitionist policy toward slavery inwards the South.

What began equally an elbow grease to protect slavery from regime interference ended inwards failure equally the Confederacy lost the Civil War. The Emancipation Proclamation together with the Thirteenth Amendment pose an halt to slavery together with fears of a “Slave Power.”