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Reducciones (Congregaciones) in Colonial Spanish America

Reducciones (Congregaciones) in Colonial Spanish America
Reducciones (Congregaciones) in Colonial Spanish America

In response to steep demographic declines and a shared desire to exercise greater control over dwindling Indian populations, from the 1550s, Spanish colonial administrators and ecclesiastical authorities devised and implemented the institution of the reducción, or congregación (similar settlements, usually founded by religious orders, were called aldeas in Portuguese America).

In essence a reducción/congregación was an Indian village or settlement, either newly established or expanded from an existing population center, into which Indians from specified outlying districts were compelled to move. The inhabitants of such settlements were typically called congregados.

Taking various forms in different parts of Spain’s American empire, reducciones originated from a number of related impulses: to forestall rebellion by ensuring that no substantial Indian populations remained outside the sphere of Spanish surveillance and control, to facilitate conversion to Christianity, to furnish a readily available labor force, and to empty Indian-occupied lands for private ownership.

Typically laid out in the grid pattern characteristic of the Spanish colonial town, over time most reducciones failed to adhere to Spaniards’ idealized conceptions of hierarchically ordered urban space.

Instead Indian dwellings and barrios (neighborhoods), in reducciones as elsewhere, tended to emerge disordered, with the “central square” in many postconquest Indian settlements often becoming little more than an empty lot adjacent to the church, and with social status bearing little relation to the location of individuals’ dwelling places.

This was generally less true in congregaciones founded as religious missions by “regular” (missionary) orders, most prominently the Dominicans, the Franciscans, and later, the Jesuits. Most commonly established in peripheral regions such as New Spain’s northern frontier, Yucatán, the Peruvian hinterlands, Paraguay, and the Brazilian sertão (backlands), such missionary congregaciones (aldeas) typically comprised an outer wall, affording protection against external attacks, and an inner compound.

Within the compound, the largest and most imposing structure was invariably the church, surrounded by workshops, granaries, stables, and similar structures, with dwelling places ringing the periphery.

Bent on civilizing and Christianizing the Indians, the friars in such settlements typically endeavored to instruct their charges in a variety of crafts and industries, such as agriculture, stock raising, beekeeping, hide tanning, viticulture, and others.

The many variations on these general themes, however, along with the tremendous diversity of Spanish and Portuguese resettlement schemes, and the even greater diversity of Indian communities and lifestyles in different parts of the Spanish and Portuguese empires, meant there was no ideal type to which all reducciones conformed.

Yet the same set of overarching impulses that led to their formation—especially the desire more effectively to control Indian labor, which in turn entailed Indians’ conversion to Christianity—and the concomitant desire of Indian individuals and communities to exercise as much autonomy as possible without directly challenging colonial rule tended to generate broadly similar sets of outcomes in the diverse regions of the Americas where reducciones were imposed.

New France

New France
New France

Although arriving late to the European scramble for North America, France for a time claimed the largest portion of today’s United States and Canada, stretching from Newfoundland to Louisiana and including the Great Lakes and Mississippi Valley. However, New France failed to attract a large population and, by 1750, France was near losing much of its territory to an ascendant British North America.

In 1524, Italian explorer Giovanni di Verrazano was hired by France’s King Francis I to find a passage through North America to Asia, a route that, after many nations failed to find this “Northwest Passage,” was eventually confirmed to be mythical.

However, Verrazano did bring back information about Atlantic coastal regions from Carolina to Nova Scotia. A decade later, seeking gold and the elusive sea passage to the Orient, Jacques Cartier, who may have been part of Verrazano’s expedition, commanded three voyages.


He sailed into the St. Lawrence River, planting a cross bearing the king’s coat of arms to claim a region that included sites that became Québec and Montreal. Returning in 1541, Cartier and his crew established the tiny and short-lived colony of Charlesbourg-Royal, near Montreal, causing tension with the Iroquois and other local tribes.

Scurvy and fierce winter weather soon ended the colonial experiment. After a series of exploratory trips, Cartier returned to France carrying what he believed were gold and diamonds; his booty proved to be iron pyrite (fools’ gold) and common quartz.

Although Crown-sanctioned explorations faded after Cartiers’s inauspicious akibat voyage, fishermen from France (and many other European countries) maintained a robust presence in North America as did traders in furs who dealt with local native tribes. It was these opportunities that reawakened French interest in North America.

New France Beginnings

Samuel de Champlain was a map maker employed by a fur-trading company, not a military man, but his leadership abilities during renewed French explorations in the early 1600s made him New France’s “father” and its first governor. In 1608, Champlain and his associates chose a location on the St. Lawrence River at Québec as their fur-trading settlement.

Champlain forged alliances with many Indian tribes, including the Huron of the Great Lakes, and also championed the idea of more permanent French settlement along the St. Lawrence. In 1633, two years before his death, Champlain was appointed New France’s governor by Cardinal Richelieu, top minister to King Louis XIII.

Eastern Canada was not the only focus of French interest in North America. As fur traders penetrated deeper into the continent in search of the best pelts and cooperative native suppliers, their efforts led to further exploration and land claims.

In 1673, Canadian-born Louis Jolliet and French Jesuit missionary Père Jacques Marquette used information from natives to trace the oceanward course of the Mississippi River in hopes, soon dashed, that it flowed into the Pacific Ocean.

Father Marquette, who was a missionary to tribes in what is now Michigan, died soon after this exhausting expedition on the banks of a river later named the Père Marquette in his honor. Jolliet, who had early on given up the priesthood for fur trading, later explored Hudson Bay and mapped the Labrador coast.

Four years after this Mississippi expedition, French-born René-Robert Cavelier, sieur de LaSalle, who had relocated to New France in 1667, pushed French territorial claims yet further. Arriving at the huge river’s mouth in 1682, LaSalle claimed the vast Mississippi Valley for France, naming this territory Louisiana, for King Louis XIV.

LaSalle’s ambitions, fueled by greed and possible mental illness, did not stop there. Promising to claim Spanish Mexico for France, the adventurer ran out of supplies and was murdered in 1687 by his own hungry men.

Born into a wealthy Montreal family, Jean-Baptiste Le Moyne, sieur de Bienville in 1701 became acting governor of France’s new southern claims and for 40 years fought to keep his small French colony safe amid Indian, Spanish, and British hostility. In 1718, Bienville spearheaded the creation of New Orleans as an administrative center and port.

Unlike the British in their early colonial years, France did not have excess population at home and provided little incentive for its citizens to brave a stormy Atlantic and face a harsh climate and often-hostile Native population in the New World.

Early on, the tiny French presence in Canada was 80 percent male and consisted mainly of fishermen, fur traders, and Franciscan and Jesuits priests. Known by the Indians as the “Black Robes,” the priests intended to convert Indians to Catholicism.

An early religious mission, called Sainte-Marie, among the Hurons, was built in 1615. Located on Ontario’s Wye River, by 1639, it was home base for 13 priests. When fighting broke out in 1648 between the Huron and their Iroquois enemies, the priests set fire to their mission, fearing its desecration.

From 1627 to 1663, a centralized commercial company created by Cardinal Richelieu struggled to squeeze profits out of New France, succeeding only with furs. There were barely 3,000 colonists in 1663, when King Louis XIV intervened, making New France an official French province.

Troops were sent to protect settlements with fortifications, and to project French power to native tribes and European rivals. A royal shipment of 850 prospective brides, known as filles du roi, or “the king’s young women,” helped to stabilize the colony and assure natural increase in its population. By 1700, New France had 19,000 white inhabitants.

Under this new regime, St. Lawrence River estates were set aside for nobles and military officers. A near-feudal setup, it was called the seigneurial system. New France’s habitants, or ordinary settlers, mostly farmed land owned by some two hundred seigneuries granted by the Crown. This tenant farming system of rents and allotments outlasted French control (and the French monarchy), surviving into the 19th century.

Although agriculture would occupy the energies of the great majority of French Canadians, the voyageurs—fur traders who traveled to French outposts like Detroit (founded in 1701 by Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac) and Prairie du Chien (Wisconsin)—had a more romantic image.

Generally, voyageurs were licensed by the authorities; their rivals were the socalled coureurs de bois, unlicensed traders who aggressively explored the farthest reaches of French America, including New Orleans, in pursuit of valuable furs, especially beaver pelts, and markets for their animal skins and other goods.

Challenges to French

Compared to the British and Spanish in this era, French colonists treated Native Americans with great respect. Friendly relations with local Indian tribes were crucial to French success in the fur trade; colonists were also well aware that their numbers were too small to deter major attacks. From the Indian viewpoint, the fact that Frenchmen were not arriving in huge numbers assured some tribal leaders that they could coexist with these interlopers.

On the other hand, good intentions on both sides did little to spare the Indians from deadly smallpox and other European diseases. Jesuit pressure on Indians to adopt Catholicism, along with European clothing and behavior, although attracting quite a few converts, was generally met with suspicion. There was a significant level of intermarriage, mostly between French men and Indian women, creating a group known as Métis.

The Huron and other Great Lakes and eastern tribes began forging strong alliances with the French in 1615, but wars with the powerful Iroquois Confederacy, allies of Britain, punctuated the history of New France.

New France’s huge landholdings were a noose that encircled Britain’s Atlantic Seaboard colonies, leading to a number of altercations between the two European superpowers, both at home and in North America.

The 1713 Treaty of Utrecht that ended the 12-year-long War of the Spanish Succession gave Britain dominion over a large sector of eastern French Canada including the rich agricultural lands of Acadia and destroyed much of France’s overseas trade.

By the time war again broke out in 1754, the population of British North America was 20 times larger than New France’s and France’s grip on North America was near its end. When French emperor Napoleon I sold Louisiana to the new United States in 1803, New France was a memory, although its French Canadian and Cajun cultures would survive and flourish.

Pre-Reformation Heresies

Pre-Reformation Heresies
Pre-Reformation Heresies

In the centuries before Martin Luther led Christian dissent into an alternative faith of the 16th century, there were other progenitors for reform. In southern France and northern Italy there was a movement associated with the Albigensians that took deep root and provoked a crusade against them in the early 13th century.

This group included some who were no longer Christians, the Cathari and Bogomils, and others who were misunderstood as heretics, the Waldensians. Yet another group arose later in England, the Lollards, associated with John Wycliffe. The seed of the Lollards took root in central Europe under the Bohemian John Huss. What unites these peoples is that they existed before the Protestant Reformation and were severely persecuted by the official church.

The Cathar sect claimed its roots among “pure” devotees of the distant past. Perhaps they originated from the Manicheans and or the Christian dualists (Gnostics), who used the Greek word catharos (pure) to describe themselves in their teachings.


Their territory and tribal background were in contact with Arianism as championed by fourth-century missionary Ulfilas. More directly the Cathari benefited when crusading armies returned from the East and brought new ideas and contacts with them. In 1167 a religious leader from Constantinople named Nicetas visited Italy and France.

Nicetas represented several non-Orthodox communities who affirmed Manichean or Gnostic beliefs. He gave lectures throughout the region around Toulouse, France, and anointed several more bishops for like-minded devotees before going back to the East. Other itinerant preachers from the East soon followed Nicetas.

The doctrines of the Cathari are dualistic: God rules the spiritual world, and Satan rules the material one. The Catharist goal is to escape from the body of death in order to unite with God in the spirit. Christ appeared in the world to show the way to escape the physical world, and many Cathari myths tell this tale.

The Cathari attracted followers who were disenchanted by the worldliness and corruption of the Catholic clergy. Many were nobles who wanted freedom from the controls of the remote centralized state and church, but peasants were impressed at the rigorous lifestyles of the Cathari.

At the heart of the sect were the “perfected,” who were inducted through a ceremony called the “consolamentum.” They would renounce the church of Rome and agree to follow rules involving chastity, diet, and companionship.

Other Albigensian groups often lumped in with the Cathari—and massacred along with them in the Albigensian Crusade (1208–29)—did not accept heretical doctrines. Among them were the Waldensians, also called “Poor Men of Lyons,” followers of a pious merchant of Lyons named Peter Valdes (Latin, Waldo).

Valdes renounced possessions and took up a lifestyle of itinerant preaching. He made such an impact that he received an audience with the pope at the Third Lateran Council (1179). The pope commended the Waldensians for their faith and simplicity but restricted them in their preaching.

This limitation was unacceptable to Valdes and his followers, and eventually the Waldensians came to reject Catholic sacraments and male priesthood, purgatory, and conventional church ideas on just war, oath taking, and even the need for churches.

The group however did not stay unifi ed. Some turned against the hierarchy of the church and were condemned at the Council of Verona in 1184. Others stayed loyal and actually were active in their opposition to the Cathari. Still others went into hiding and formed a shadowy church with its own rituals and dogmas.

Unfortunately the differences among the Waldensians did not exempt them from severe repression in the Albigensian Crusade and the Inquisition that followed. In 1487–88 war broke out against them, and a settlement was not reached until 1509. Even so, hostilities continued throughout the 1500s and drove most of them into the arms of the Reformed Church. One Italian faction, the Lombard Waldensians, organized themselves into a separate denomination.

Another tiny and pilloried faction among the Albigensians were the Bogomils. They are named after an Orthodox priest named Bogomil who lived in the Balkans, the same area where the Cathari were settled in the 800s. Bogomil had contempt for the official Orthodox Church, rejected the Old Testament and the sacraments, and retained only the Lord’s Prayer as valid.

His critique was lashed to the Cathari dualistic views that the world was evil and demonic, but the spirit was good and divine. Bogomils found their way to Constantinople and became more heretical in their views. Many Albigensian Bogomils migrated out of southern France and northern Italy. They went to the land of their spiritual forebears. In Bosnia, they held their own and forced the Franciscans to leave. As late as 1875 there was evidence of them there.

After the Albigensian Crusade the leadership of the Cathari shriveled and moved out of France into Italy. Some hid in the Pyrenees or migrated elsewhere. Even there they disappeared as the Catholic hierarchy found better ways of competing for the hearts of the common folk through the popular preaching of the Jesuits, the Cistercians, and the Dominicans.

Mockers gave the Lollards their name. It comes from Middle Dutch and means “mumbler” perhaps “idler” in Middle English. John Wycliffe (c. 1330–84), a professor at Oxford, inspired this group with his teachings against the elitism of the church. At first the Lollards consisted of educated priests who had known Wycliffe as a theologian.

When the archbishop suppressed the priests, leadership passed on to humbler members of the English Catholic Church, who were fed up with hypocrisy among the hierarchy. Few nobles identified with the movement. When its champion, Sir John Oldcastle, was hung as a traitor and heretic in 1417, the demoralized commoners were now without a leader, and they disintegrated by 1431.

John Huss adopted Wycliffe’s ideas and was burned as a heretic in 1415. His disciples, the “Hussites,” grew popular among Slavic commoners. The Council of Constance condemned Wycliffe formally, and his bones were exhumed and burned as a sign of his soul’s irredeemable condition. Against Huss and his ilk on the Continent, a long and bloody crusade (1418–37) was approved. Both Wycliffe and Huss laid the foundation for the emergence of the Protestant Reformation in the next century.

Niccolò Machiavelli

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Machiavelli was born in Florence on May 3, 1469. His parents provided him with a humanistic education, with a stress on Latin grammar, rhetoric, and history. As he matured, he deepened his knowledge of the works of the philosophers and historians of ancient Greece and Rome and became familiar with the comedies of Plautus.

Machiavelli was head of the Second Chancery and secretary to the Ten of War of the Florentine Republic from 1498 to 1512. His duties included diplomatic missions to heads of state on the Italian peninsula and elsewhere in Europe.

Especially noteworthy are those missions to Louis XII of France, Emperor Maximilian I, Caterina Sforza of Forli, Pope Julius II, and Cesare Borgia, the son of Pope Alexander VI. When the Medici overthrew republican rule in 1512, Machiavelli was suspected of a conspiracy against them, imprisoned, and tortured. After his exoneration and release under a general amnesty in 1513, he turned to writing.

Machiavelli’s literary output is extensive. His History of Florence, commissioned by the Medici, begins with the city’s origins and ends on a pessimistic note with the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici in 1492. The Art of War is a technical look at military preparations and makes a plea for a citizen militia.


Machiavelli’s best known work, The Prince, is based on his diplomatic experience and his reading of ancient history. It is a complex assessment of the qualities needed for political leadership by a new prince.

Although the book is modeled on the “mirror for princes,” advice books common to the Renaissance era, many of its recommendations are the inverse of the princely virtues advocated by that literature. Its meaning has often been reduced to the trite phrase “The end justifies the means.” Some critics have deemed the book an advice manual for would-be autocrats.

As early as the century in which he lived, Machiavelli and The Prince were condemned and demonized in French Protestant circles and in Elizabethan English literature. Leading Jesuits also attacked him, and his works were placed on the Index of Prohibited Books of the Roman Catholic Church in 1559.

his statue
Although criticism of Machiavelli and The Prince continues, recent scholarship has modified these negative assessments. Greater stress is now placed on his advocacy of republicanism, especially as expressed in the Discourses on the First Ten Books of Titus Livy. Modern scholars also recognize Machiavelli’s literary creativity.

His play Mandragola presents a comic as well as ironic look at Renaissance marriage patterns and offers an astute analysis of desire and ambition. Another, Clizia, revolves around an aged married man’s attempts to gain the love of a young woman. The fable Belfagor recounts the experiences of a fiend who is delegated by the devil to spend time in marriage on Earth.

His Tercets on Fortune is an extended study of Fortune, whom he personifies as a woman and associates with discord and unpredictability in human affairs. Machiavelli died on June 21, 1527, and is entombed in the basilica of Santa Croce in Florence.

Viceroyalty of New Spain

For 300 years (1521–1821), the Viceroyalty of New Spain, the richest and most important political jurisdiction in Spain’s American holdings, expanded from its original boundaries in central Mexico south and west to the Pacific Ocean; south and east to include the Yucatán Peninsula, Florida, the Caribbean, northern South America, and Central America to contemporary Panama (the latter in a jurisdictional subdivision called the Kingdom of Guatemala); and north to include significant portions of what later became the U.S. Southwest.

At the political, economic, and demographic center of this vast colony was the Basin of Mexico, at the heart of which lay Mexico City, built atop the ruins of the aztec capital of Tenochtitlán.

Consequences of Colonial Rule

Three hundred years of colonial rule bequeathed to New Spain an enduring legacy whose consequences remain amply apparent in Mexico and Central America today. Most fundamentally, the new colonial order created new social and racial hierarchies, with Spaniards dominant, Indians subordinate, and, as time passed, mestizos (“mixed-race” Spaniards and Indians) occupying a widening middle ground.

During the first century of colonial rule, the colony’s major social institutions can be identified as the following: the colonial state and its byzantine administrative apparatus; the Roman Catholic Church, both its “regular” and “secular” branches; encomienda; Indian communities; and the patriarchal family.


From around the mid-1600s, hacienda, generally accompanied by debt peonage, displaced encomienda as the principal institution governing land-labor relations between Spaniards and Indians, largely in consequence of steep population declines among Indians resulting from the ravages of epidemic diseases, which effectively rendered encomienda obsolete.

Secular Church's Power Grows

During the same period, the so-called secular church (the ecclesiastical hierarchy emanating from Rome, with the pope at its head) grew in power relative to the regular church (composed of quasi-independent missionary or “mendicant” orders such as the Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, Jesuits, and others, each governed by specific reglas or rules).

This growing power of the secular church, densely entwined with the colonial state, was especially apparent in the most densely populated core regions, while the missionary orders remained strong in the colony’s peripheral zones, such as Yucatán, the northern deserts, and elsewhere.

The overall animo of the colonial period was for the regular church to initiate the process of conversion in peripheral areas, and, over time, as populations grew and the state extended its reach, to cede ecclesiastical authority to the encroaching secular church.

Far from a monolithic institution, the colonial church was wracked by division and conflict, both within and between its major branches. By the end of the colonial period, the Roman Catholic Church, both regular and secular, was not only one of the colony’s most important social institutions, but also far and away its largest landowner.

Contrary to a popularly held view, surviving Indian communities in New Spain and elsewhere retained various forms of collective (or “corporate”) landownership throughout the colonial period. This too became a crucial colonial legacy, especially evident in liberal efforts to privatize landownership in the decades after independence in 1821, efforts fiercely resisted by both the church and Indian communities.

Industry

The Basin of Mexico became and remained the colony’s breadbasket and major source of grain, meat, and other foodstuffs, as well as domestic industry such as obrajes, with expanding market relations especially important in the fertile and well-watered zones north and west of Mexico City.

In the 1540s, the discovery of large deposits of silver northwest of the Basin of Mexico, centered on the province of Zacatecas, provided the colonial state with a steady supply of silver bullion, fueling a price revolution in Iberia and the rest of Europe and transforming the regional colonial economies of Zacatecas, Guanajuato, and other mining regions.

By the mid-1600s, the sprawling colony sank into what one scholar dubbed “New Spain’s century of depression,” though the nature and extent of that “depression” remain the subject of scholarly debate. Compared to the thriving colonies of British North America and elsewhere, however, New Spain did experience a prolonged period of relative economic stagnation.

The imperial state’s efforts to redress its colonies’ relative economic decline, launched after the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–13), are known collectively as the Bourbon Reforms, named after the ruling dynasty that assumed power in Spain after the fall of the Habsburgs.

In a process similar to that unfolding elsewhere in the Americas, as time passed, the “creoles” (or criollos, i.e., Spaniards born in the Americas) became an increasingly important and powerful group, despite its relatively small size—a gradual shift that by the late 1700s led to a growing sense of American identity and the first stirrings for independence from Spain.

Indian and “mixed-race” rebellions and uprisings occurred throughout the colonial period, but most remained local and regional and focused on redress of specific grievances relating to colonial governance or perceived abuses by individual authorities.

Demographics

The demographic makeup of the colony changed markedly over time, from its initial overwhelming preponderance of Indians and tiny number of Spaniards, to steep Indian population decline, to increasing number of mestizos and others of “mixed race,” Africans, and a small but growing number of creoles.

New Spain’s population at the end of the colonial period is estimated at around 6 million—around 50 percent Indian, 30 to 40 percent “mixed race,” 10 to 20 percent Spanish and creole, and less than 1 percent African.

In sum, 300 years of colonial rule left a profound and lasting legacy across New Spain, in every realm of society. Grappling with the nature of that legacy remains one of the most challenging and central tasks facing scholars of postconquest Mexico and Central America.