Western Saharan War

The Spanish withdrawal from the Saharan region

Spain ruled the western Saharan region known as Río de Oro as part of its colonial empire. The region was sparsely populated by mostly Sunni Muslim nomadic peoples of mixed Berber and Arab ancestry who were Arabic speaking.

The region contained some of the world’s richest phosphate mines but was otherwise desperately poor. In the early 1970s the Polisario Front (Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia al Hamra and Río de Oro) initiated an armed nationalist struggle for independence from Spain.

After the death of Francisco Franco, a committed imperialist, the new Spanish government granted the territory independence in 1975. Although the United Nations declared that the Sahrawi should have self-determination, Morocco and Mauritania both immediately claimed the territory. King Hassan II of Morocco launched the "Green March" of over 300,000 unarmed Moroccans to march into the territory and incorporate it into Morocco.


Because of its rivalry with Morocco as well as its desire for access to a port on the Atlantic Ocean, Algeria supported the Polisario, supplying it with arms and assistance. The Polisario proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in 1976. Recognized by some 70 nations, SADR became a full-fledged member of the African Union.

The war between the Polisario, Morocco, and Mauritania lasted from 1975 to 1984. The Polisario was able to defeat Mauritania, which withdrew its claims in 1979, but it was largely defeated by Morocco, which obtained arms from the United States.

Moroccan troops moved into the northern sector of the territory and occupied the huge phosphate mines at Bu Craa. The war and Moroccan occupation resulted in the displacement of over 200,000 Sahrawi, who continue to live in refugee camps in surrounding regions to the present day.

Polisaro front

By the early 1980s Morocco controlled the majority of the territory, and SADR administered the remainder as liberated territory. To protect its holdings, Morocco built a 380-mile earth wall studded with electronic sensors and antipersonnel radar provided by the United States. The wall effectively enclosed the Moroccan-held sections of Western Sahara.

The United Nations called for a referendum, for the people to vote for independence or for union with Morocco. The Polisario supported the referendum, but Morocco moved in settlers, who probably now outnumber the indigenous Sahrawis, to the territory it held.

Morocco argued that the settlers, presumably all in favor of union, should be allowed to vote in the proposed referendum. Not surprisingly, SADR and its supporters strongly rejected Morocco’s claim.

Saharan transportation

Both the United Nations and the United States attempted to mediate but failed to break the impasse. It appeared that Morocco would refuse any referendum until it could guarantee a victory in the election.

An estimated 160,000 Moroccan soldiers continued to occupy the territory, which had a population of some 267,000 Sahrawi people. In 1983 King Hassan II negotiated an agreement with Algeria, which then halted its support for the Polisario, although many Sahrawis remained refugees in Algeria and other neighboring countries.

After Hassan’s death in 1999 his son King Muhammad VI announced his desire for a resolution to the problem, but he also opposed holding a referendum on independence.

In 2005 riots by supporters of the referendum in Moroccan-held territory broke out; Moroccan forces quickly quelled the riots and repressed SADR supporters. Hence one of the longest liberation struggles in the contemporary kala continued to be unresolved.

Spain

Post–World War II Spain was still affected strongly by the results of the Spanish civil war of 1936–39. Francisco Franco’s authoritarian regime continued to censor the press and did not abide by a constitution.

After the defeat of fascist governments in World War II, Franco did mitigate some fascist tendencies within his government, stressing instead the Roman Catholic Church, the monarchy, and society as the corporatist pillars of Spain, but not enough to prevent economic isolation by other international actors.

However, at the same time industrialization and economic development contributed to a contrary force of secularization. The corporatism of the state thus began to depend more and more on Franco.

Spain’s colonial influence would not succeed Franco, either. The Spanish ended their rule over Spanish Morocco in 1956, and over the rest of their African colonies over the next two decades. In 1968 Spanish Guinea gained independence and renamed itself Equatorial Guinea.


Right before Franco died, Morocco’s King Hassan II took advantage of Spain’s weakness and took over Spain’s only remaining colony—Western Sahara—in the Green March. However, despite these colonial losses, Franco did pass on to his successor, King Juan Carlos, the beginnings of an economic and political liberalization that would reap the "Spanish Miracle".

Indeed, the hierarchical nature of the state did not persist after Franco’s death in 1975. Juan Carlos appointed Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez to rush in an kala of democratization through legislation sometimes referred to as the "new Bourbon restoration". Suárez was elected in 1977 under the Unión de Centro Democrático party.

After the elections, the Spanish constitution was drafted in 1978 by a committee made up of the deputies of most of the main political groups. It was signed by the king in 1979. Suárez’s power weakened, however, and he resigned as president and party leader on January 29, 1981.

Finding a successor was difficult in what became a very tense political and economic climate due to economic struggle, difficulty creating a new territorial organization of Spain, Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (or ETA, a Basque separatist organization) terrorist attacks, and the army’s lukewarm support of democratic institutions.

In this political atmosphere, democratic governance in Spain was tested by a 1981 coup that was called 23-F and El Tejerazo. Antonio Tejero, with 200 armed officers from the Guardia Civil, stormed the Spanish Congress of Deputies as it was electing Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo the new Spanish president.

Tejero and the officers held the cabinet and parliament hostage. No one was harmed and the coup ended largely because the king called upon the army to abide by the orders of the democratically elected civilian authorities.

Social democratic rule began in 1982 with Felipe González’s Socialist Party winning the elections. Spain’s democratic rule was fairly stable from that point until 1996. Domestic reforms under González’s administration included the legalization of abortion, education reforms, and increased personal freedoms.

Also during this era, Spain made many advances in integrating back into the international economic and political community. It joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Economic Community in 1986. With integration came some important changes for the Spanish economy.

Technological and industrial investment in the country increased, despite its persistently high unemployment rate. Ironically, although Spain was able to make progress in international integration, it still suffered from regional separatism and regional groups seeking autonomy from Spain.

In 1996 González was defeated, in part due to government corruption, and José María Aznar’s Popular Party (PP) took over. During the PP’s term, Spain’s economy benefited from high domestic demand and export-led growth.

It continued down the path of European integration, joining the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) and adopting the euro in 1999. Yet again Spain suffered from internal divisions. ETA attacked tourists and Spanish officials again in 1999. Nevertheless, the PP won the 2000 elections.

The attacks continued. In 2001 army Lieutenant Colonel Pedro Antonio Blanco García was assassinated. An enormous street demonstration of over 1 million Spaniards protesting the assassination occurred the next day. Unfortunately, the killings continued.

After some ETA members were killed in a car bomb that August, the ETA retaliated with a series of the bloodiest attacks since 1992, which included the assassination of Supreme Court justice José Francisco Querol Lombardero, his driver, bodyguard, and a bystander, and injuries to 60 others.

In 2003 Aznar supported the U.S. "War on Terror" in the Iraq War, possibly resulting in the March 11, 2004, train bombings in Madrid. Nearly 200 people were killed and over 1,500 injured. Although the government blamed ETA, al-Qaeda operatives carried out the attacks.

In the elections that followed, the PP lost to the Socialist Party. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero took over as prime minister. Aznar, however, had decided not to run, despite not being barred from running for a third term.

Zapatero immediately withdrew Spanish troops from Iraq. Under his administration, Spain approved a same-sex marriage law with the support of a majority of the population. In contrast to Aznar, Zapatero’s relations with the United States were strained. However, he maintained good relations with the United Nations and the European Union.

Somalia (1950–2006)

Somalia civil war

Following the end of World War II, the British administered Somalia until 1950, when it was divided, with southern Somalia put under Italian trusteeship and the Ogaden returned to Ethiopia, with the remainder of Somalia, held by the British, prepared for independence.

The decision to allow the Italians to supervise any part of Somalia was controversial given their colonial record in the region, and it sparked riots in 1950. Elections were held in southern Somalia in 1956, and these were won by the Somali Youth League.

In February the Somali National League won a majority in elections in northern Somalia. The platforms of both groups were to reunify Somalia and achieve independence which was granted on July 1, 1960.


The first president of Somalia was Aden Abdullah Osman Daar, who had served in the Italian colonial administration until 1941. He had been president of the National Assembly until 1960 when he became president of the Constituent Assembly, a position he held until independence.

The first prime minister, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, was from British Somaliland; he joined the Somali National League Party in 1956 and became its secretary-general two years later.

He held the position for just over two weeks before stepping down on July 12, 1960, to become minister of defense. Replacing him was Abdirashid Ali Shermarke, from the Somali Youth League, who had studied political science at the University of Rome.

Unfortunately, not long after independence, Somalia became embroiled in a dispute with the British who granted the Somali-dominated Northern Frontier District of Kenya to the Republic of Kenya. Somalia broke off diplomatic relations with Britain in 1963.

The main masalah facing Somalia was the integration of the two halves of the country, plagued by ethnic rivalries, and worries that infrastructure development in one part of the country was disadvantaging the other.

Tensions with Kenya and Ethiopia proved intractable. War with the latter broke out over the Ogaden in 1964. Although it did not last long, it served to destabilize the country, which was becoming beset with factional troubles and the proliferation of political parties and corruption.

In 1964 Shermarke was replaced as prime minister by Abdirizak Haji Husain, also from the Somali Youth League, and on July 10, 1967, Shermarke was elected as president of Somalia, a post he held until his assassination on October 15, 1969, by Somali police officers.

The assassination led to a military coup six days later, which brought Major-General Mohammed Siad Barre to power. He then became president of the Supreme Revolutionary Council and head of state, also serving as prime minister until January 30, 1987.

Siad Barre was involved in introducing a jadwal he called "scientific socialism", by which he sought to integrate Somalia. One of these policies was the creation and dissemination of a written Somali language.

In 1975 a drought struck Somalia, and this led to a famine which saw thousands of people in Somalia, and also in neighboring Ethiopia, dying. Two years later Somalia attacked Ethiopia, with Siad Barre keen to create his Greater Somalia which was to include the Ogaden (from Ethiopia), Djibouti, and also northern Kenya.

In 1977 Somalia was in news headlines all over the world when a German Lufthansa Flight 181 from Majorca, Spain, was hijacked to the Somali capital, Mogadishu. There the GSG-9, a crack German antiterrorist commando force formed after the 1972 Munich Olympics massacre, stormed the plane and released the hostages unharmed.

Forced to Flee

Surviving an attempted military coup in April 1978, Siad Barre came to lead an increasingly autocratic regime that started to face trouble from internal Somali resistance groups. In particular, the Somalia Salvation Democratic Front used bases in Ethiopia to attack Somali soldiers, eventually overrunning parts of northern Somalia.

In August 1990 the Somali Salvation Democratic Front allied with two other groups, the Somali Patriotic Front and the Somali National Movement (SNM), to form a loose coalition. Siad Barre himself had been seriously injured in a car accident in May 1986, but remained in control of Mogadishu. He was forced to flee the country on January 26, 1991, going first to Kenya and eventually settling in Nigeria in 1992.

With the victorious rebels seizing control of Mogadishu, Ali Mahdi Muhammad became the president of the country, with the task of bringing together the various factions. Northern Somali separatists appointed the leader of the SNM, Abdurahman Ahmed Ali, as president of the breakaway Somaliland Republic.

Fighting continued, and Ali Mahdi hastily left the Somali capital in November 1991 after the supporters of General Mohammad Farrah Aydid attacked Mogadishu, capturing the city after bloody street fighting. Aydid then proclaimed himself head of the new government, managing to fight off an attack in April 1992 by supporters of Siad Barre.

Aid agencies estimated that as many as 2,000 people were dying each day from hunger in and around Mogadishu alone. With Aydid holding food supplies only for his supporters, the United Nations felt the duty to act, and on August 12, 1992, they had permission from Aydid to deploy troops to protect the aid workers.

The result was 500 armed United Nations soldiers being deployed and a massive relief operation taking place. This part of the aid operation went well, although there were some problems in the towns of Baidoa and Bardera in the west of the country.

By mid-1993 the aid mission had been changed with the U.S. marines being deployed to achieve political objectives. This seemed to include the overthrow of the Aydid government, which led to a U.S. helicopter attack on an alleged Aydid munitions base on July 12, 1993, killing a large number of Somali clan leaders who had gathered for a conference.

The political climate moved against the Americans as the clan alliances reformed. On October 3, 1993, some 140 U.S. marines abseiled from Black Hawk helicopters into Mogadishu, with their mission being to abduct two senior lieutenants of Aydid.

The operation was planned to last no longer than an hour, but some U.S. Marines were pinned down by thousands of armed Somalis; by the time they were evacuated the following morning, there were 18 U.S. Marines killed and more than 70 badly injured.

Factional Shifts

With the United States clearly against General Aydid, he moved to form alliances with some of his erstwhile enemies, the Americans unable to keep up with the factional shifts. In November 1994 Aydid called a General Conference on Somali Reconciliation, but Ali Mahdi boycotted it, as did the Somali Salvation Alliance.

In June 1995 Aydid himself was ousted by Osman Ali Ato. Following the death of Aydid in 1996, his son, Hussein Aydid, a former U.S. Marine who had been involved in the Somali operation, became the leader of the United Somali Congress and took his father’s title as interim president of Somalia.

Hussein Aydid refused to take part in the National Salvation Council when it was formed by leaders of 26 of Somalia’s factions in January 1997. They agreed on a peace formula that saw the introduction of a federal system for the country, allowing the warlords to retain their local power bases.

This meant that by 1998 the country was effectively divided into three parts: Somalia, consisting of the southern provinces around Mogadishu; the former British areas in the north becoming Somaliland; and Puntland in the northeast. Frequent peace conferences were to be held to try to work out common policies on certain issues.

Although the infighting had died down, the problems over the famine continued with 650,000 people facing food shortages in April 2000. This led to food riots and instability in Mogadishu, forcing the warring factions to declare Baidoa the "provisional capital". By this time, large numbers of educated Somalis had fled.

An interim Somali National Assembly was formed in October 2001 with Salad Hassan Abdikassim (Abdiqasim Salad Hassan) as the interim president. Problems with Ethiopia continued, and the interim prime minister, Ali Khalif Galaydh, accused Ethiopia of trying to destabilize the country, supporting some of the clans that wanted separatism. Abdikassim appointed himself interim president of the Transitional National Government, and in November 2001 Abshir Farah Hassan was elected as the interim prime minister.

The September 11, 2001, attacks on the United States and the subsequent War on Terror saw the U.S. military take a keen interest in Somalia and the level of Islamic fundamentalist influence in the country. Since then the Somali "government" has gradually come to support, however reluctantly, the United States in its War on Terror. The United States has consequently rewarded pro-U.S. groups in the country.

On October 14, 2004, Abdullah Yusuf Ahmed became president, taking over from Salad Hassan Abdikassim, and in November 2004, Ali Mohammed Ghadi became prime minister of the transitional federal government. However, after a failed assassination attempt, Prime Minister Ghadi fled Mogadishu, returning in 2006 when Ethiopian troops, aided by the United States, backed him and on December 21, 2006, started a new war in Somalia.

Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda

Al-Qaeda (Arabic for "the base") is a worldwide Sunni Islamist militant insurgent group. Founded by Osama bin Laden in 1988 in Afghanistan, al-Qaeda is now dedicated to driving the United States out of the Middle East specifically and out of Muslim countries generally, to destroying Israel, and to toppling pro-Western governments in Islamic countries and replacing them with Islamic fundamentalist governments.

These three goals lead to the organization’s ultimate goal, which is the reestablishment of the caliphate, a nation uniting Muslims and spanning the Islamic world.

The organization is believed to be highly redundant, both financially and operationally. While the various cells that make up the organization are accountable to higher-level leadership, operations appear to be left to the individual cells, while higher levels provide material and logistical support.


Ideas and targets coming from the upper echelons filter down to the individual cells responsible for coordinating and executing the attacks. This redundancy increases the organization’s resiliency; when cells are destroyed or captured, the losses can be contained more effectively than if al-Qaeda were a more linear organization.

Al-Qaeda’s training camps are likewise well organized. The extent of the training and organization is best seen in the group’s multivolume Encyclopedia of Jihad. Several thousand pages in length, the encyclopedia details the bureaucratic workings of the group.

Covered topics include guerrilla warfare, assembling booby traps, tactics for fighting against armored or aerial combat units, urban warfare, intelligence security, data gathering, and chemical weapons tactics.

The group has been linked to or accused of taking part in terrorist acts across the globe beginning in the early 1990s. A list of the attacks against U.S. interests attributed to al-Qaeda includes the 1992 hotel bombings in Aden, Yemen; the February 6, 1993, bombing of the World Trade Center in New York City; attacks carried out on U.S. military forces in Somalia in 1993 and 1994; the June 25, 1996, truck bombing of the Khobar Towers residential compound in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia; the near-simultaneous bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on August 7, 1998; the suicide bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen on October 12, 2000; and the September 11, 2001, airline hijackings and attacks on the Pentagon and the World Trade Center.

The United States is not the group’s only target, however. Al-Qaeda also is linked to the April 2002 bombing of the El Ghriba synagogue in Tunisia; the October 2002 nightclub bombing in Bali, Indonesia; the November 2003 bombings of synagogues and a British bank in Istanbul, Turkey; the March 11, 2004, train bombings in Madrid, Spain; and the July 7, 2005, London transit bombings.

Al-Qaeda is most often represented and understood in regard to its founder, Osama bin Laden (aka Abu Abdallah). Bin Laden was born in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on March 10, 1957. When he was six months old, his father, Muhammad bin Laden, the Yemeni immigrant who established the Saudi Binladin Group, relocated to Jeddah, where Osama grew up.

The Soviet Union’s December 1979 invasion of Afghanistan galvanized the Muslim world in defense of Afghanistan and provided the West with a proxy war through which to combat the Soviet Union. Bin Laden, who had studied economics at King Abdul Aziz University in Jeddah, was one of many spurred to action in defense of Afghanistan.

He made his first trip to neighboring Pakistan in 1980, where he sought ways to contribute to the jihad. Bin Laden made several monetary contributions to the mujahideen, but quickly began looking for other ways to contribute.

Bin Laden joined with Palestinian cleric Abdullah Azzam to found the Services Bureau (Makhtab al-Khidimat, or MAK) in Pakistan in 1984. Azzam, who had taught at King Abdul Aziz University while bin Laden studied there, was indispensable in recruiting.

In addition to providing relief to war victims in Afghanistan, the MAK organized and coordinated the volunteers, donations, and weapons coming into Pakistan and Afghanistan in support of the jihad.

Azzam believed that the young Arab men streaming to Pakistan to participate in the jihad should be scattered among the Afghan functions. Azzam felt that such a mixing of Arabs among the local forces would reap benefits both in Afghanistan and abroad.

Bin Laden saw the situation differently and sought to create his own separate Arab fighting force. He believed that such a force would be a superior fighting unit compared to local Afghan forces. Bin Laden broke with Azzam and established training camps for his Arab force near Jaji, in eastern Afghanistan.

From this base, which they dubbed al-Masadah (the Lion’s Den), bin Laden’s "Arab Afghans" engaged the Soviets in the battle of Jaji in the spring of 1987. It was at this time that bin Laden grew closer to the Egyptian Islamic Jihad (EIJ) and one of its most prominent members, Ayman al Zawahiri, who would become bin Laden’s deputy in al-Qaeda.

When the Soviets announced their planned withdrawal in April 1988, bin Laden began preparations to perpetuate and expand his forces. He began by moving his unit to the area around Jalalabad, Afghanistan, which became known as al-Qaeda; bin Laden would later say that the name remained with the group by accident. Following the Soviet withdrawal in 1989, bin Laden returned to Saudi Arabia.

When Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait on August 2, 1990, bin Laden, who had consistently expressed his contempt for the "atheist" Hussein and his Ba’athist government, approached the Saudi king with a plan to use his Arab Afghans to drive Hussein’s forces from Kuwait.

The Saudi government sought to restrict his movements within the kingdom. Bin Laden obtained permission in early 1991 to travel to Pakistan on the pretext of checking in on some business interests and never returned to Saudi Arabia.

In early 1992 bin Laden and al-Qaeda moved to Sudan, where they remained until 1996. Al-Qaeda and the National Islamic Front (NIF), the ruling party in Sudan, enjoyed a symbiotic relationship.

The NIF granted al-Qaeda a safe haven and freedom of movement, while bin Laden made substantial investments in Sudanese industry and agriculture and undertook several large-scale construction projects to develop the infrastructure and agricultural and industrial production capacity of Sudan.

While in the Sudan, bin Laden directed his forces in actions against the communist government of South Yemen. The Arab Afghans also were sent to Bosnia, where they had a substantial impact on that conflict. Bin Laden dispatched al-Qaeda forces into Somalia in response to the buildup of U.S. forces.

In December 1992 President George H. W. Bush sent 28,000 U.S. troops into Somalia on a humanitarian mission in support of United Nations (UN) relief efforts. Bin Laden and al-Qaeda dismissed all humanitarian claims and interpreted the U.S. presence as a way of putting pressure on Islamic regimes and as an effort to establish another base from which to attack Muslim nations.

Al-Qaeda regarded Yemen as a major victory. First, even though the hotels bombed in Yemen did not house U.S. personnel, the transfer of U.S. troops out of Yemen shortly after the hotel bombings indicated to al-Qaeda that they had been successful in driving the Americans from Yemen.

Bin Laden also claimed that the militarily superior U.S. forces were driven from Somalia by a poor, ill-armed people whose only strength was their faith. In his 1996 aliran declaring war against the United States, bin Laden claimed that the most important lesson to be learned from Somalia was that the United States would flee at the first sign of resistance.

The year 1994 was a watershed for bin Laden. He survived two assassination attempts and in April was stripped of his Saudi citizenship in response to the growing threat he represented to the regime.

A jawaban step in his radicalization came in August, when the Saudi government imprisoned clerics Salman al Awdah and Safar al Hawali, who were among the first and most prominent of the clerics circulating cassettes of their sermons against the continued U.S. presence in the Arabian Peninsula, and whose imprisonment bin Laden would later mention in his 1996 fatwa.

Bin Laden and al-Qaeda left Sudan in 1996 and returned to Afghanistan, a move prompted by several factors. In addition to the assassination attempts, bin Laden faced international pressure on the NIF and its de facto leader, Hassan al-Turabi.

The United States and Saudi Arabia sought to have bin Laden silenced and his activities curtailed, and al-Turabi found it increasingly difficult to maneuver and protect bin Laden.

When Sudan started pressuring bin Laden, he returned to Jalalabad. There bin Laden and al-Qaeda entered into a symbiotic relationship with the Taliban ("the students"), who were in the process of consolidating their control over much of the country.

This relationship was similar to that with the NIF in Sudan; bin Laden and his organization gained considerable freedom of movement and protection, while his benefactors benefited from agricultural, infrastructural, and industrial investment and development.

It was during the period between bin Laden’s return to Afghanistan and the 1998 aliran that civilians became targets. Both the 1996 aliran and bin Laden’s 1997 CNN interview spoke of civilians as collateral damage, not as legitimate targets in and of themselves.

By 1998 this had changed, and the aliran issued February 22, 1998, explicitly stated that Americans and their allies, civilians and military alike, were now al-Qaeda targets anywhere they could be found.

Communications from al-Qaeda repeatedly stress their belief that Western governments oppress Muslims and Muslim nations and are engaged in a war against Islam. Bin Laden describes the presence of U.S. forces in "the Land of the Two Holy Places" (Saudi Arabia) as the greatest insult and threat faced by the Islamic world since Muhammad’s lifetime.

In addition to decrying U.S. support for Israel, the group condemns U.S. support for what it considers "apostate regimes", particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Bin Laden also points to the sanctions imposed on Iraq following the Gulf War as one reason to reject any human rights arguments coming from the West.

Al-Qaeda’s idea of the ummah (community of believers; the Islamic world) in opposition to the world derives from the teachings of two prominent Islamic scholars.

Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328) was a 14th-century Islamic scholar who taught that jihad is the duty of each individual Muslim when Islam is attacked, that the Qu’ran should be interpreted literally, and that all Muslims should read the Qu’ran and Hadith (the sayings of the Prophet) for themselves and not rely on a learned clergy. A second influence on al-Qaeda was Sayyid Qutb (1906–66), an Islamist associated with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.

Describing the world as existing between states of belief (Islam) and unbelief (jahiliyya), Qutb condemned Western and Christian civilization. Urging jihad against all enemies of Islam, Qutb believed that there is no middle ground and that all Muslims must take to jihad when Islam is threatened.

These influences are apparent in al-Qaeda’s activities and rhetoric. Bin Laden believes that since the Christians, Jews, and Hindus have nuclear weapons, it is only fitting that Muslims obtain them as well.

Bin Laden also echoes Ibn Taymiyyah in his assertions that the Saudi government is aiding the "crusaders" in plundering the wealth of the ummah, the vast Middle Eastern oil reserves, and by acting to keep oil prices below fair-market value.

Al-Qaeda’s leadership cadre is well educated. Bin Laden has a university degree in economics, and his inner circle contains doctors; agricultural, civil, and electrical engineers; and computer scientists, but no religious scholars.

Rahman’s aliran echoed the call to attack the United States and its allies—civilian and military, anywhere in the world—and contained exhortations to sink ships, shoot down airplanes, and burn corporations and businesses.

Two separate attacks on U.S. warships were made in subsequent years, with the USS Cole attack following an unsuccessful attack on the USS The Sullivans one year earlier. On September 11, 2001, the plot masterminded by Ramzi Binalshibh and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, who were arrested in Pakistan in 2002 and 2003, respectively, proceeded along the lines of Rahman’s fatwa.

Portugal

Portugal flag

Portugal has been a land of paradoxes. For much of the 20th century, it was simultaneously a weak, agrarian, poverty-stricken, isolated state on the periphery of Europe and the seat of a vast colonial empire. It had used an alliance with Britain to sustain this paradox for a long time.

Portugal relied on Britain to keep Spain at bay and to secure its claim to its colonial holdings. In return, the Royal Navy enjoyed access to a far-flung network of colonial ports to be used as coaling stations.

Modern nationalism in Portugal dates from the popular reaction to the British ultimatum of 1890, which foiled a Portuguese scheme to connect Angola and Mozambique by seizing the intervening territory.


For half of the 20th century, the country was governed by Western Europe’s most enduring authoritarian regime. Then, in 1974–76, it became the only North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) country to experience a full-fledged social revolution. After approaching the precipice of civil war, Portuguese society backed down and built a working democracy.

Portugal overthrew its monarchy in 1910. The country established a new constitution the following year and became Europe’s third republic, after Switzerland and France. There were several coups over a 16-year period. In reaction to labor unrest in the early 1920s, extra-parliamentary right-wing organizations arose. These groups lent their support to a bloodless military coup in 1926.

Two years later, in the wake of financial crisis, the military regime brought an economics professor out of the obscurity of the University of Coimbra and named him minister of finance.

António de Oliveira Salazar

António de Oliveira Salazar had a limited set of priorities in that office: to generate a budget surplus and to stockpile gold. He proved to be quite effective at what he set out to do. He quickly overshadowed a succession of military prime ministers and won supporters among officers, clergy, businessmen, bankers, and landowners.

The New State

The military regime was a little more stable than its predecessor. Salazar, whose star was already rising within the regime, founded a new party in 1930, the National Union (União Nacional), to unify the regime’s supporters. In 1932, as the Great Depression advanced, he was appointed prime minister, a position he would hold for the next 36 years.

Salazar promulgated a new constitution in 1933, establishing the New State (Estado Novo). The National Assembly, consisting of the Chamber of Deputies and the Corporatist Chamber, had severely limited powers. Salazar selected nearly all candidates personally.

Rights and liberties proclaimed by the constitution were nullified by government regulation. Various sectors of society were organized from above in corporatist fashion. The political police maintained surveillance over potential opponents, many of whom fled into exile. Censors erased any hint of dissent.

From 1936 to 1944 Salazar was also minister of war. In that position he found he could shrink the size of the army and control officers’ salaries, transfers, retirements, and even marriages.

Officers were encouraged to marry wealthy women so that their salaries could be kept low. A politicized government-run militia, the Portuguese Legion (Legião Portuguesa), partially offset the army’s influence.

Thus it was Salazar, not the military, who consolidated the authoritarian regime. His was a conservative, corporatist police state, but it was not a true fascist state. It did not seek to overthrow traditional elites or mobilize society around its goals.

Rather, Salazar sought to demobilize—or even freeze—society and to reject modernity. Rather than exalting war, Salazar strove for a kind of neutrality. In any event, his austere policies left the armed forces with a very low level of effectiveness.

Spain and World War II

Salazar viewed Spain’s leftist Popular Front government as a threat. When General Francisco Franco rebelled against it in 1936, launching the Spanish civil war, Portugal officially followed the lead of Britain and France by promising nonintervention, but surreptitiously funneled aid to Franco.

Franco’s agents were allowed to operate on Portuguese territory. Thousands of volunteers went to Spain to fight against the Republican cause. At the end of the war, in March 1939, Salazar and Franco signed a treaty of friendship and nonaggression, known informally as the Iberian Pact.

Salazar declared Portugal’s neutrality in World War II on September 1, 1939, the very day Poland was invaded. He also sought to keep the war as far away as possible by bolstering Spain’s neutrality. In the wake of its civil war, Spain was in no condition to take an active role in World War II, but Portugal’s position highlighted the potential costs of even a passive role, as in allowing the Germans to pass through to take the British stronghold of Gibraltar.

The strategic situation changed for the Iberian Peninsula as the Germans became tied down in the Soviet Union and the Allies moved into North Africa and Italy. It was now highly unlikely that Spain would intervene on Germany’s side. Salazar allowed himself to be persuaded to join the Allied cause, albeit passively. From the Allied perspective, the Azores were the key objective.

Situated in the mid-Atlantic, these Portuguese islands would be useful bases both for antisubmarine warfare and for refueling transatlantic flights in the buildup prior to the great invasion of France. First Britain, and then the United States, acquired access to facilities there, and Portugal ceased selling tungsten to Germany while still claiming to be neutral.

Postwar Portugal

Portugal’s shift put it on the winning side, improving its bargaining position in postwar Europe and increasing its chances of getting back East Timor and Macao, which had been occupied by the Japanese.

Still, the semifascist state was in an ambiguous position after the war. It began to describe itself as an "organic democracy" rather than a "civilian police dictatorship", an expression that had been used in the 1930s.

Portugal was not invited to the San Francisco conference, which established the United Nations, and was denied UN membership until 1955. Portugal was, however, a founding member of NATO chiefly because the United States still wanted access to bases in the Azores.

Portugal’s relations with the United States and NATO replaced its traditional alliance with Britain. Unlike Britain’s earlier guarantee of Portugal’s overseas territories, however, NATO’s area of responsibility was expressly restricted to Europe to avoid its being drawn into colonial wars.

A certain "softening" marked the Salazar regime in the postwar era. There was no real institutional change, but some of the more fascistlike institutions were allowed to erode. On the other hand, after a dissident general managed to win 25 percent of the vote in presidential elections in 1958, the direct election of the president was discontinued.

A degree of economic liberalization led to the growth of the service sector and a larger middle class in the 1960s. Industry, previously limited to textile production, added electrical, metallurgical, chemical, and petroleum sectors.

A stroke immobilized the dictator in 1968, although he lingered for two more years. His successor was Marcello José das Neves Caetano, who, not coincidentally, had also succeeded him in his chair at the University of Coimbra.

Caetano brought technocrats into the regime, retired some of Salazar’s old-school hangers-on, and favored economic development over cultivated stagnation, but again the basic system remained.

Africa

War was spreading in the African colonies of Portuguese Guinea (Guinea-Bissau), Angola, and Mozambique. The policy of the New State had been to instill pride among the Portuguese in their empire, a legacy of Portugal’s glory in the age of discovery. The state also reasserted national control over the colonies, where foreign corporations had conducted much of the economic activity.

African farmers were compelled to shift from subsistence crops to cotton for the Portuguese market in the 1930s, and more so as World War II disrupted other trade sources. Portuguese investment in Africa began to take off in the years after the war. Portuguese emigration tripled the white population of Mozambique and quadrupled that of Angola between 1940 and 1960.

Initially, even the outbreak of the wars of national liberation spurred economic growth, as the state responded by boosting civil and military investments. All of these changes disrupted the lives of the Africans, and many of them also undermined the few existing bases of support for Portuguese rule.

In 1961 a revolt against forced cotton cultivation broke out in Angola. Fighting escalated with retributions and counter-retributions; it spread to Guinea in 1963 and Mozambique in 1964. The government quickly repealed forced cultivation and forced labor. It also mobilized troops and dispatched them to Africa.

Large numbers of Africans were concentrated in strategic villages (aldeamentos) where their actions could be controlled. In 1961 the United States called on Portugal to decolonize. The insurgents sought and received military aid from the Soviet bloc and China.

In order to fight the leftist insurgency most effectively, the military high command assigned anabawang officers to read the political tracts of African revolutionary leaders, such as Amílcar Cabral of Guinea-Bissau.

To their ultimate surprise, a sizable number of anabawang officers were convinced that the insurgents were right. Some of them also concluded that Portugal itself was an underdeveloped Third World country in need of "national liberation".

Revolution of The Carnation

A diverse group of disgruntled anabawang officers in 1973 formed a clandestine political organization, the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas, MFA). On April 25, 1974, the MFA deposed Caetano. The New State collapsed without resistance. Holding red carnations, demonstrators had persuaded other military units not to resist.

The MFA then stepped back, but this proved only temporary. The young officers would soon be in the midst of a political free-for-all to determine the direction of the revolution. They too coalesced into a number of factions built around competing political orientations and personalities.

Captain Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho became the focal point of one radical faction, once styling himself as the Fidel Castro of Europe. Colonel Vasco Gonçalves began as a moderate, but moved to a position close to the Portuguese Communist Party. A moderate faction, later dubbed the Group of Nine, formed around Lieutenant Colonel Melo Antunes.

Finally, further behind the scenes until the last stages of the revolution were the "operationals", a group of officers largely concerned with professional military matters and associated with Lieutenant Colonel António Ramalho Eanes.

The Junta of National Salvation (Junta de Salvação Nacional) was formed from moderate senior officers. General António de Spínola, a former military governor of Guinea-Bissau, was invited to lead the junta as provisional president of the republic.

Palma Carlos, a liberal law professor, was named provisional prime minister. Political parties of all stripes were legalized, and political prisoners were released. Political exiles streamed back into the country.

Cease-fires were arranged in Africa. In one of the most fateful decisions of the new regime, the leaders promised elections for a constituent assembly within a year, the first real elections in over half a century, and with universal suffrage and proportional representation.

The revolution had released popular tensions that had been building up for decades. Turmoil spread quickly in the newfound freedom, and rival power centers competed to control the situation. Spurred on by the newly legalized Portuguese Communist Party, Maoists and other leftist groups and workers staged strikes and seized factories, shops, and offices.

Students took over schools and denounced teachers for "fascist sympathies". Services broke down, and shortages became common. Right-wing groups, especially in the conservative rural north, began to mobilize and arm themselves.

In July the Palma Carlos government collapsed amid the turmoil, and prominent members of the MFA moved into key positions. Carvalho was promoted to brigadier general and put in charge of the army’s new Continental Operational Command (Comando Operacional do Continente, COPCON), which became the principal arbiter of order as the police disintegrated.

Colonel Vasco Gonçalves was appointed to the position of prime minister. The MFA radicals regularly overruled Spínola’s decisions and also forced him to accept the independence of the colonies.

In September a major demonstration planned by Spínola to bolster his position forced a confrontation with COPCON, which resulted in Spínola’s resignation. General Francisco da Costa Gomes, who was more sympathetic to the left, assumed the presidency.

The most radical phase of the revolution began in March 1975. Spínola launched an unsuccessful coup attempt on March 11. In response, the radical wing of the MFA abolished the Junta of National Salvation and formed the Revolutionary Council (Conselho da Revolução), some 20 officers responsible only to the MFA Delegates’ Assembly.

The council nationalized the banking system, press, utilities, and insurance companies. With elections for the Constituent Assembly scheduled for April 25, the anniversary of the revolution, the MFA pressed a "constitutional pact" on the six largest parties, which recognized the permanent supervisory role of the MFA in a "guided" democracy.

Turnout was high for the elections, in which 12 parties competed, but the outcome shocked the radicals. The moderate Socialist Party came in first with 37.9 percent, followed by the right-of-center Social Democrats (originally called the Popular Democrats) with 26.4 percent. The Communists, the electoral ally of the MFA radicals, garnered only 12.5 percent.

Talk of Civil War

The MFA responded during the "hot summer" (verão quente) of 1975 by styling itself as a national-liberation movement. In the south, landless agricultural laborers seized large estates and declared them collective farms. Moderate Socialists and Social Democrats resigned from the government. Small freehold farmers formed armed groups, held counterrevolutionary demonstrations, and bombed the offices of leftist parties.

Plans were drawn up for a possible alternative government in the north. COPCON was beginning to disintegrate, and individual army units were under pressure to declare their political orientation. Both society and the MFA itself were becoming increasingly polarized, and there was talk of civil war.

As a consequence of the growing tension, Gonçalves and his government were pressed to resign at the end of August, and they did so. A new, more moderate provisional government was installed.

Dissatisfied with this outcome and determined not to "lose" the revolution, radical paratroopers attempted to organize a coup in November 1975. Like Spínola’s coup attempt, however, this backfired. Lieutenant Colonel António Ramalho Eanes, of the MFA’s professional military faction, led a purge of the MFA radicals. COPCON was disbanded and Otelo, its commander, placed under house arrest.

Eanes was named army chief of staff and made a member of the Revolutionary Council. The "constitutional pact" was renegotiated in February 1976. Elections were held for the new Assembly of the Republic in April, and Eanes was elected president in June with 61.5 percent of the vote in the first round.

The Constituent Assembly sought to avoid both the weak, unstable governments of the 1911 constitution and also the authoritarianism of the 1933 constitution. Based on the French model, the new system called for both an elected president with real powers and an executive prime minister chosen by a majority party or coalition in a freely elected parliament.

The renegotiated constitutional pact still called for socialism as the goal of government and society and institutionalized the legacy of the revolution. Moreover, it retained the Revolutionary Council, still a self-appointed and purely military institution, and gave it the power to safeguard the legacy of the revolution and judge the constitutionality of legislation passed by the civilian government.

The first elected government was led by Mário Soares of the moderately leftist Socialist Party. In 1979 however, a center-right government of Social Democrats and Christian Democrats was elected. The inherent tension between the elected government and the essentially undemocratic council became evident as the cabinet sought to privatize portions of the economy.

After a standoff that lasted roughly from 1979 to 1982, a process of normalization set in and the undemocratic vestiges of the revolution were gradually excised. In particular, a constitutional reform in 1982 abolished the Revolutionary Council and sent the army back to the barracks.

In the elections of 1986 Soares became Portugal’s first civilian president in 60 years, replacing Eanes. Another constitutional reform, in 1989, eliminated the requirement to keep the nationalized sector of the economy.

The moderate Socialist and Social Democratic parties had increasingly come to dominate the political system, reducing the need for multiparty coalitions and increasing the stability of government. Portugal had become a far less hierarchical and far more pluralistic, democratic, and dynamic society than it had been before 1974.

In 1986 the European Economic Community (now the European Union) accepted Portugal and Spain simultaneously as members. The opening to trade, the inflow of European investments for infrastructure and other purposes, and the constitutional changes of 1989 spurred growth and helped transform the economy.

Economic growth surpassed the European average in the 1990s and until 2002. While, like any country, Portugal was not without its scandals, controversies, and disagreements, by the end of the century it had become integrated as a solidly democratic, stable, and respected member of the European community.

Philippine Revolution (1986)

Philippine Revolution (1986)

A popular, spontaneous, nonviolent, and distinctly religious movement restored democracy to the Philippines, on February 22–25, 1986. After nearly 400 years of colonization by Spain and the United States of America in the first half of the 20th century, the Philippines enjoyed a democratic form of government until Ferdinand Marcos became president in 1965. However, in 1972 Marcos declared martial law, citing communist insurgency but in reality because he faced the prospect of defeat in the presidential elections.

Martial law (lifted in 1981) was disastrous for the country. Government-sanctioned atrocities occurred frequently, the media was rigidly controlled, and anyone suspected of being a dissident was imprisoned.

One such political prisoner was Benigno Aquino Jr. (nicknamed "Ninoy"), a brilliant politician who was elected to the National Senate at the age of 35 and became Marcos’s most serious rival to the presidency. He was imprisoned for eight years.


In 1980 Aquino was allowed to travel to the United States for surgery, and, for the next three years, he lived in Cambridge, Massachusetts, with his family. But he was assassinated in 1983 upon returning to the Philippines.

An independent panel investigating his murder put the blame on a military conspiracy involving "some of the country’s highest ranking officers", but without giving any names. The event galvanized the nation as millions of Filipinos mourned his death and led to the "People Power" movement.

However, it took three more years before People Power would become a reality. In the interim, opposition to the Marcos regime became more frequent and vocal. Public rallies and demonstrations were often met by military reprisals. Eventually the military, too, became divided, with some calling for reform.

Late in 1985 Marcos called a "snap" presidential election on February 7, 1986. It was a move calculated to restore his popular mandate. Many people welcomed this, although it was a foregone conclusion that there would be massive electoral fraud. Corazon ("Cory") Aquino, the assassinated leader’s widow, with neither political aspirations nor experience emerged as the popular candidate.

Expectedly, Marcos declared himself the winner. But the People Power nonviolent revolution would eventually triumph by the defection of two men in Marcos’s camp: the civilian defense minister and a high-ranking general of the armed forces.

They were supported by the archbishop of Manila, Cardinal Jaime Sin, who called on Filipino civilians for help. At first a trickle, then hundreds of thousands of ordinary Filipinos from all economic strata responded, converging on the streets with no weapons, calling on the advancing soldiers and marines to join the protest.

First Woman President

Within four days, the number of defecting soldiers made it clear that Marcos no longer controlled the military. The United States asked Marcos to step down from power and to desist from military action. Fearing for their lives, Marcos and his family were flown out of the country and took refuge in Hawaii. Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as president on that day, the first woman president of the Philippines.

The popular and nonviolent People Power revolution of 1986 restored democracy, but it did not solve all the problems of the country. Twenty years later, the country still faces many political, economic, and social ills. But what People Power demonstrated was the tabiat superiority of nonviolent and prayerful resistance to political tyranny and tabiat evil.

Juan Domingo Perón

Juan Domingo Perón

Subject of what many consider the most powerful political mythology in the modern history of Argentina—that of Peronismo (Peronism)—Juan Domingo Perón remains, despite his eminently public life, a deeply enigmatic figure—at once a populist, a man of the people, a friend of the working class, a dictator, a demagogue, an enemy and ally of the military, and the politician most responsible for a host of failed government policies that nonetheless continue to resonate among large segments of the populace.

For three decades—from his burst onto the political stage in 1944–45 until his death in office in 1974—Perón dominated the Argentine political landscape, while his ambiguous and divisive legacy endured long after his death. Understanding modern Argentine history requires understanding the complex political legacy he bequeathed.

Born on October 8, 1895, in a small town near Lobos in the province of Buenos Aires to a farming family, by some accounts out of wedlock, Perón entered the military at age 16 and rose gradually in rank.


In 1929 he married Aurelia Tizón, who died nine years later of uterine cancer. In 1938, the year of his wife’s death, he traveled widely in Europe, where he came to admire the regime of Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini.

In 1943 he participated in a coup against the conservative regime of Ramón Castillo, and soon after became head of the Department of Labor—one of the weakest government ministries—which he used as a platform to build his own power base, forging alliances with segments of Buenos Aires’s powerful labor unions.

Named vice president and secretary of war, on October 9, 1945, he was ousted and jailed by enemies in the military. There followed one of the defining events of modern Argentine history, when mass demonstrations by los descamisados (the shirtless ones) forced his release on October 17.

Four days later he married the actress Eva (Evita) Duarte. Until her death, also from uterine cancer, in July 1952 at age 33, Evita was wildly popular among working people and coequal in creating and popularizing the Perón mythology.

Building on his strong political momentum, Perón was elected president in February 1946. During his first term (1946–52), at the height of his political power, he implemented a host of populist policies intended to solidify his support among the country’s powerful labor unions, proclaiming his populist vision a "third position" between capitalism and communism.

His policies sparked rising government debt and growing economic crisis while polarizing Argentine society into Peronist and anti-Peronist factions. Reelected in 1951, he was ousted in September 1955 in a military coup. For the next 18 years he lived in exile, mainly in Spain, in 1961 marrying nightclub singer María Estela Martínez, or Isabel Perón.

Following years of military dictatorship marked by growing social discord and political polarization, he returned to Argentina in 1973 and won his third term as president. He died in office on July 1, 1974, his wife and vice president, Isabel, succeeding him until her ouster by a military coup in March 1976.

Native Americans

Native Americans

Native Americans were the featured villains inwards what were likely the inaugural off non-supernatural conspiracy fears experienced past times European migrants to America.

Fear in addition to Loathing inwards the American Woods

The early on American frontier was inwards many ways a deeply fearful place, especially inwards the inaugural off decades of white settlement inwards whatever given region. Settlers knew footling nigh their novel home’s existing occupants, in addition to possessed only the sketchiest notions of how many at that spot were, where they lived, in addition to what their intentions mightiness be.

Though equally many equally 7 1000000 people lived to a higher identify the Rio Grande at the fourth dimension of inaugural off contact, Europeans thought of North America as, inwards Pilgrim leader William Bradford’s words, a “hideous in addition to desolate wilderness”.


In traditional Judeo-Christian culture, wilderness was a identify to live feared rather than cherished, a identify where monsters in addition to devils lived to assay the faith of good, civilized people.

Especially amid the New England Puritans, it was commonly believed that the Indians were devil worshippers out to create their master’s bidding, though non actual devils themselves. (However, it was considered quite probable that the Indians lived amid existent monsters, including dragons!) Thus the expectation of confronting ultimate evil was built into the Puritans’ sense of their “errand into the wilderness”

Certainly non all the colonists shared the Puritans’ high marking of theological dread, but some fearfulness of the Indians was fairly constant in addition to non without justification, since over the inaugural off 3 centuries of European settlement, at that spot was ever some business office of North America where the natives were resisting their ain conquest in addition to displacement.

This resistance often took the cast of a raiding vogue of warfare that was intended to spread terror in addition to normally preferred striking at weakly defended targets, similar an outlying cabin or an isolated outpost. Always seeking ways of fighting that minimized their ain casualties, Indian state of war leaders were non to a higher identify using devious tactics such equally ambushes, sneak attacks, in addition to feigning peaceful intentions.

One of the keen Indian victories during Pontiac’s Rebellion (or War or Conspiracy, depending on your indicate of view) of 1763, the Ojibways’ triumph over the British at Ft. Michilimackinac was accomplished past times lulling the soldiers into complacency amongst a friendly game of ball. The Indian players hitting the ball into the opened upwardly gates of the fort, chased after it, in addition to thus all of a abrupt attacked amongst weapons the Ojibway women had smuggled within the transportation service piece the whites were watching the game.

Native american human foot soldiers

Though the European armies of the Early Modern Period were no slouches at wreaking decease in addition to devastation on the civilian population, Indian warfare was perceived equally peculiarly in addition to intimately awful. In some ways Indians were improve at distinguishing their targets than whites were—the French were often spared inwards raids on European outposts— but their military machine customs made few allowances for noncombatants.

Indian massacre stories invariably featured a scene inwards which a warrior tore an babe from her mother’s arms in addition to dashed her caput against a hearth or a tree; this became a cliché, but past times no way 1 without a footing inwards reality. Numerous mutual practices of Indian warfare haunted the dreams of European settlers, soldiers, in addition to officials, especially the scalping or other mutilation of victims’ bodies in addition to the taking of captives to live assimilated into Indian society.

(It should live noted that whites fighting Indians made few such allowances themselves, in addition to showed far less involvement than the Indians inwards taking captives. Nevertheless, white attacks on Indian villages were called “raids” or “battles,” piece successful Indian attacks on white settlements or military machine posts were termed “massacres.”)


This fearfulness of assimilation past times an alien, collectively minded society, a recurrent theme inwards the annals of American conspiracy theory, has 1 of its roots inwards tales of captivity amid the Indians. Some of the stories fifty-fifty admitted what historians receive got flora to live true, that many captives, especially women in addition to children, were successfully assimiliated, in addition to showed footling want to provide to European ways. Ever to a greater extent than lurid Indian captivity narratives became a staple of American pop culture, in addition to perhaps its inaugural off unique contribution to populace literature.

The before comment nigh Indians haunting settlers’ dreams should live taken quite literally. Recent interpretations of the 1692 Salem witchcraft crisis receive got emphasized the purpose of New England’s lateseventeenth-century Indian wars (1675–1678 in addition to 1688–1691) inwards generating the psychological stress in addition to supernatural fears that exploded inwards Massachusetts.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 large number of the accusers had some at in 1 lawsuit or immediate household unit of measurement sense amongst the Indian wars, in addition to those who didn’t had likely read Mary Rowlandson’s popular, in addition to thus lately published volume on her sense equally a captive during the before conflict, King Philip’s War. The witchcraft evil was thought to receive got inaugural off come upwardly from Indian powwows inwards the forest, in addition to the devil appeared to several Massachusetts women equally “a thing similar an Indian,” or “a Tawny man”.

Accuser Mary Toothaker of Billerica finally admitted nether questioning that she had lashed out because she was “troubled w’h feare nigh the Indians, & used to dream of fighting amongst them.” Toothaker claimed to receive got signed upwardly amongst the devil herself because he had “promised to maintain her from the Indians”.

At to the lowest degree these colonial New Englanders had some at in 1 lawsuit or nearly at in 1 lawsuit sense of the Indians they feared thus much. In afterwards centuries, far to a greater extent than white Americans eagerly consumed Indian atrocity stories some the household unit of measurement tabular array in addition to inwards pop literature in addition to newspapers than ever interacted amongst Indians or witnessed an Indian raid.

Given the emphasis placed on the depredations of “murderous savages” inwards their information nigh the Indians, it is perhaps non surprising that nineteenth-century migrants heading to the Pacific coast on the Overland Trail brought hair-trigger emotions to all their thoughts in addition to actions concerning Indians.

Many reported their scalps itching at the really thought of Indians. Most westering travelers suffered “far more,” according to historian Glenda Riley, “from their ain anxieties what could come about to them than from what really did happen”.

Unfortunately, the Indians themselves did suffer, at the hands of settlers who were easily panicked into acts of violence in addition to prejudice, in addition to eager to back upwardly harsh regime policies against Indians, having learned to bargain amongst their anxieties past times fearing in addition to hating the natives.

The Myth of the Superchief

Although it would live stretching the Definition of conspiracy theory to include all fears of Indian assault inwards this category, much of what settlers, soldiers, in addition to regime officials believed nigh the Indians sure does qualify. Whites often became convinced that the Indians of different villages, tribes, in addition to languages were leagued against them, in addition to secretly plotting mayhem fifty-fifty when relations were peaceful in addition to friendly.

In some respects, a conspiracy model of Indian conduct came naturally to Europeans, who struggled to sympathize or fifty-fifty perceive the complex cultural, social, in addition to political distinctions amid the diverse Indian groups they encountered. As amongst many cross-cultural conspiracy theories, it was slow to displace from lumping all Indians together culturally to believing that all Indians were working together against the colonists.

This pattern emerged fifty-fifty before the get-go of permanent settlement. The leaders of the 1585 lost colony of Roanoke abandoned their isle off the coast of introduce North Carolina out of a belief that Pemisapan, the weroance of the local Indian village, had organized a region-wide conspiracy, involving many tribes, to starve in addition to and thus wipe out the colony.

According to historian Michael Oberg, Pemisapan had likely done naught to a greater extent than than “grown weary of an intolerant, violent, contagious, in addition to subject people”, and, quite understandably, moved his hamlet off Roanoke Island to a to a greater extent than congenial neighborhood. Even so, colony commander Ralph Lane led a forcefulness that brought dorsum the weroance’s head, the culmination of a pattern of precipitous, threatening actions past times Lane.

“No conspiracy is needed,” writes Oberg, to explicate the growing hostility of the region’s Indians to the Roanoke colony. The English linguistic communication settlement abruptly shifted locations after Pemisapan’s death, in addition to disappeared completely a few years after that.

Pemisapan represents the original version of 2 ideas that became touchstone parts of conspiracy theories nigh the Indians: the Indian mastermind or monarch inwards command of tens of thousands of warriors, in addition to the unfaithful Indian ally or convert.

From “Pemisapan’s Conspiracy” on, serious or widespread Indian resistance was normally attributed past times Europeans in addition to afterwards chroniclers to the machinations of some preternaturally brilliant, all-powerful “superchief” (Bourne, 202).

This analysis may receive got been somewhat accurate for the Powhatan Indian rebellions against Virginia inwards 1622 in addition to 1644, which almost destroyed the colony in addition to are to a greater extent than often than non thought to live the run of the state of war principal turned paramount principal Opechanacanough, Pocahontas’s uncle, in addition to the reputed ability behind her manlike someone raise Powhatan’s throne.

The reputations of most other putative Indian masterminds were built on much shakier foundations. In many cases, a widespread conflict was blamed on someone who was really only a major figure inwards some critical early on encounter, or promoted himself equally the primary conspirator inwards a afterwards treaty amongst the white authorities.

For instance, New England propagandists depicted their apocalyptic, region-wide Indian state of war of 1675–1678 equally the run of Philip, sachem of Pokanoket, whom they dubbed “King Philip” to reemphasize their claim that the conflict was, equally Russell Bourne puts it, “not a serial of separate raids past times provoked people but a brilliantly orchestrated war, conducted past times a devilish military machine genius”.

Besides personalizing the conflict equally conspiracy theories thus often do, this conspiratorial stance of the New England Indians’ resistance was a political in addition to ethical convenience for whites, who were authorized past times their belief inwards this evil plot to ignore the purpose of their ain conduct inwards the Indians’ unrest, choose extreme measures against tribes whose the world rights conflicted amongst their ambitions, in addition to to declare the occupation solved when the designated villain was eliminated.

Philip (who changed his cite from Metacom when he became sachem) was the boy of Massassoit, the Indian principal who had befriended the Pilgrims in addition to allowed their Plymouth Colony to survive. Relations had deteriorated after Massassoit’s decease equally the local fur merchandise dried upwardly in addition to agricultural settlement expanded, bringing livestock that consumed the Indians’ open-field crops in addition to forcing them into economical dependence upon whites.

Philip in addition to his people also chafed nether Plymouth’s unequal laws, which had lately been used to travail to hang 3 of Philip’s followers. Plymouth leaders coveted the Pokanokets’ land, in addition to eagerly accepted rumors circulated against Philip past times the sachem’s Indian political rivals, to the final result the sachem planned a major war, mayhap inwards concert amongst the French.

When Philip was recorded at a coming together amongst Rhode Island officials complaining nigh his people’s mistreatment past times Plymouth, in addition to vowing that he was “determined non to alive until I receive got no country”, the drapery of conspiratorial mastermind was fitted in addition to cook to live forced on him.

Philip was thought to live seeking the extermination of New England’s white population. The Pokanokets did get hostilities amongst a much exaggerated raid on the nearby town of Swansea, but Philip himself spent the state of war running piece the Narragansetts, Abenakis, in addition to other tribes some New England did most of the fighting.

He nonetheless ever remained New England’s primary target, in addition to past times the terminate of the war, his hamlet had vanished, his married adult woman in addition to boy had been sold into slavery, in addition to his dismembered trunk was on display inwards the town of Plymouth.

Pontiac played a similarly inflated purpose inwards accounts of the 1763 “conspiracy” that bears his name. An obscure Odawa state of war leader (not a chief), Pontiac touched off a frontier-wide uprising but really led only 1 stage of it, the failed siege of Ft. Detroit.

Both he in addition to the British tried to advance their interests inwards the aftermath of the war, finally a peace treaty that bolstered British claims to the Trans-Appalachian West in addition to acknowledged Pontiac an Indian potentate, but likely got the old rebel assassinated equally a traitor to the Indian cause.

As they had long done amongst the alleged “conquests” of the Iroquois “Empire,” the British authorities in addition to the Anglo-American colonists exaggerated Pontiac’s ability in addition to condition inwards ways that magnified both the military machine threat he posed in addition to the glory in addition to ability that accrued to those who had pacified him.

The operative theory regarding Pontiac in addition to many other superchiefs was good expressed inwards “Ponteach, or the Savages of America,” a drama published inwards 1766 past times French in addition to Indian War hero Robert Rogers.

Rogers’s Ponteach is a haughty woods emperor set tragically depression past times his pride. “This Country’s mine, in addition to hither I reign equally King,” a Rex whose “Empire’s measured only past times the Sun,” the grapheme asserts inwards explaining his disdain for British authority.

In fact, it is unlikely that full general Indian uprisings could ever receive got been the run of a unmarried conspiratorial mastermind, or fifty-fifty a knot of them. The primitive nature of the available way of communication alone—symbolic state of war belts of clamshell beads (“wampum”) were used to coordinate the 1763 risings—precluded whatever variety of command in addition to control. Conspiracies were unlikely for to a greater extent than fundamental cultural reasons equally well.

Most North American Indian tribes lacked whatever variety of truthful principal executive who could impose his volition on his followers. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 chief, different a European general, governor, or king, drew his ability non from police line or force, but only from the honour in addition to dear that his prowess, wisdom, in addition to generosity had garnered amid his people, who could obey him or non equally they chose.

The superchief mythology, from the exaggerations of the leader’s influence in addition to the depth of his scheming to the pop dramas (and often identify names) that celebrated his nobility inwards defeat, was applied successively to every meaning Indian resistance leader after Pontiac, from John Logan of the 1774 Lord Dunmore’s War (immortalized inwards Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia for his oratorical prowess) to Tecumseh, Black Hawk, in addition to Osceola inwards the early on nineteenth century and, inwards a somewhat less conspiratorial vein, to such far western Indian rebels equally Cochise, Geronimo, Sitting Bull, in addition to Crazy Horse. It was applied retroactively to Philip inwards 1 of the antebellum era’s most pop plays, “Metamora.”

The celebrity that the superchief myth brought all of these men should non obscure how damaging it was to Indian people when they were soundless struggling to remain inwards their homelands. In their time, the names of all of these leaders were capable of plunging whole frontiers into panic, in addition to such panics normally brought on white military machine campaigns that would live followed past times the expropriation of Indian lands.

“Our Most Dangerous Enemies”: Indian Converts in addition to Allies equally Victims of Conspiracy Fears

Far to a greater extent than harmful than the “superchief” myth, inwards damage of the brutality it inspired inwards whites, was the related conspiracy theory that all Indians alike were actual or potential enemies, no affair what mental attitude they professed to concur toward whites. Even Indians who had acquire Christians, pursued white occupations, in addition to lived peaceably nigh white towns for decades were treated equally probable traitors, spies, in addition to saboteurs.

Since the get-go of European contact, the colonizers had been urging the natives to lay downward their weapons, adopt European ways of life, in addition to convert to the Christian religion. Most Indians resisted this pressure level when they could, but for many resistance became impossible in 1 lawsuit European settlement had engulfed their homelands.

Some responded to the urgings of Christian missionaries in addition to adopted the faith, piece others sought to only alive equally quietly equally they could, at peace amongst the settlers or fifty-fifty joining inwards the whites’ battles amongst other Indians.

In most of the colonies, then, at that spot were at to the lowest degree small-scale communities of peaceful in addition to often Christian Indians living nigh white towns in addition to farms. In times of full general Indian conspiracy scares, these communities became deeply suspicious to whites, in addition to often suffered equally much or to a greater extent than than the tribes really engaged inwards hostilities.

The residents of Puritan missionary John Eliot’s “praying towns” discovered this during King Philip’s War. Stories circulated of “Praying Indians” joining inwards raids on Christian towns in addition to spying for the rebels. According to historian Jenny Hale Pulsipher, “The English linguistic communication were quick to believe tales of Christian Indian perfidy,” in addition to the burning of English linguistic communication barns or haystacks “became pretexts for English linguistic communication violence against the praying towns”.

The Christian Indians at Wamesit had to abandon their hamlet in addition to nutrient supplies inwards belatedly 1675 after furious English linguistic communication militiamen fired on them without alarm on 2 separate occasions, inwards 1 incident wounding a number of women in addition to children, a twelve-year-old fatally. Various Puritan commentators questioned the sincerity of Indian religious conversions in addition to depicted the “Praying Indians” equally contemptible mockeries of Christianity.

Sometimes amongst in addition to sometimes without official approval, New England troops sacked the villages of Indian Christians in addition to Indian allies. Meanwhile, the authorities close downward many praying towns in addition to interned numerous friendly natives on barren Deer Island inwards Boston Harbor. Some praying Indians fifty-fifty shared the fate of Philip’s family, enslavement inwards the Caribbean.

Other groups of peaceful Christian Indians were visited past times some of the worst atrocities inwards the annals of European-Indian relations inwards North America. The infamous Paxton Boys massacre, for instance, was business office of the fallout from the conspiracy theories surrounding Pontiac.

The Pennsylvania frontier had been wracked past times Indian raids both during the 1763 rebellion in addition to the French in addition to Indian War that preceded it. There were a number of Christian Indian villages inwards the colony, including Conestoga, where a handful of people eked out a meager living selling bowls in addition to baskets.

Looking for payback in addition to charging that some of the Conestoga men had fought amongst Pontiac, a number of men from the town of Paxton, on the Susquehanna River inwards east-central Pennsylvania, concluded that these supposedly friendly Indians amounted to a “Basket & Broom-making Bandittey” who were “in Reality our most unsafe enemies”.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 calendar week in addition to a one-half before Christmas, 1763, fiftyfour Scots-Irish men from Paxton rode to Conestoga, in addition to shot in addition to hacked to decease 6 Indians they flora there, allegedly inwards revenge for Pontiac’s Rebellion. Local authorities gathered the surviving Conestogas (who had been lucky plenty to live out) in addition to placed them inwards a workhouse for protection. The men from Paxton presently rode inwards in addition to killed the rest.

Far from horrifying their beau Pennsylvanians, the “Paxton Boys” flora themselves at the caput of a pop cause. Their numbers swelled amongst novel recruits, the Paxton Boys rode downward to Philadelphia, inwards arms, to choose some Christian Delaware Indians beingness protected at that spot in addition to topple the regime itself if necessary. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 manifesto was issued inwards which the supposedly Quaker-dominated regime of Pennsylvania was charged amongst beingness insensitive to frontier needs because it was also soft on the Indians.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 poetry form called “The Cloven Foot Discovered” expressed the settlers’ stance that whites who gave sympathy or assistance to whatever Indians were traitors to their beau colonists in addition to beau travelers of the Indians’ subway plots against the frontier settlements:

Go, skilful Christians, never spare
To give your Indians Clothes to wear
Send ’em skilful Beef, in addition to Pork, in addition to Bread,
Guns, Powders, Flints, in addition to Stores of Lead,
To Shoot Your Neighbours Through the Head;...
Encourage every friendly Savage
To murder, burn, destroy, in addition to ravage.

Only some fast talking past times leading Pennsylvania political leader Benjamin Franklin finally defused the Paxton Boys situation, but non before to a greater extent than than 50 of the “protected” Christian Delawares died of diseases inwards the city.

Time in addition to in 1 lawsuit again inwards early on America, peaceful Christian Indians flora that the most unsafe identify to live was anywhere nigh their supposed allies in addition to coreligionists, the Anglo-American settlers.

No affair how devout a Christian in addition to firmly committed to peace in addition to friendship amongst whites a grouping of Indians mightiness be, many settlers assumed all Indians were secretly conspiring against them, in addition to inwards the correct circumstances mightiness slaughter whatever Indians they happened to run across. The biggest occupation that the immature the States had inwards recruiting Indian allies during the Revolutionary War was the fact that pro-American chiefs kept getting killed past times American soldiers.

By far the most heinous illustration of intentional “friendly fire” on Indians during the Revolution tin live flora inwards a 1782 incident that came to live known equally the Gnadenhutten massacre, inwards introduce east-central Ohio. The “Ohio Country” was a bitter battleground betwixt the British in addition to Indians on the 1 hand, in addition to the settlers exactly southward of the Ohio River inwards Kentucky on the other.

High German American missionaries from a sect called the Moravians had converted large numbers of Delaware Indians who lived inwards this expanse to Christianity in addition to kept them on the American side. The Moravians were pacifists, thus in 1 lawsuit converted these Indians did non fifty-fifty believe inwards fighting.

The Christian Indians of Gnadenhutten happened to live harvesting their corn 1 24-hour interval inwards 1782 when a state of war political party of American settlers appeared. They were pursuing some hostile Indians who had been seen inwards the area.

The settlers charged the friendly villagers of Gnadenhutten amongst beingness warriors, pointing to the existence of European implements, such equally axes, spoons, in addition to tea kettles, inwards this hamlet of Indians who had adopted white lifestyles, equally evidence they had killed in addition to stolen from whites.

On the strength of this flimsy evidence, the Gnadenhutten Indians were sentenced to death. They spent the black praying to the European God, in addition to inwards the morning time the settlers dragged the Indians out of their cabins inwards groups of 2 or 3 in addition to executed them amongst a mallet thus equally non to waste matter ammunition.

These sorts of incidents often turned white suspicions nigh Christian in addition to friendly Indians into self-fulfilling prophecies. With friends similar the American settlers, many Indians reasoned, who needed enemies?

During wars in addition to state of war scares amongst neighboring colonial powers similar Great Britain, France, in addition to Spain, most Indians amongst whatever access to the “foreign” ability were quite willing to run amongst them against the settlers and/or the the States if they mayhap could, though the Indians’ fondest want was ever to live left relatively independent of whatever European power.

Colonial in addition to U.S. officials oftentimes turned this rational pattern of Indian conduct into the footing of some other variety of conspiracy theory, of the Indians equally cat’s-paws of foreigners out to split upwardly off pieces of their territory or curb American expansion.

Andrew Jackson inaugural off made a cite for himself past times brutally precluding the possibility that the southeastern Indians mightiness collaborate amongst the Castilian or British to block the the States from accessing the Gulf Coast in addition to its ports.

This was the basic aim of his campaigns against the Creeks, the British, in addition to the Seminoles betwixt 1813 in addition to 1818, which began amongst a settler panic nigh a “massacre” at Ft. Mims inwards Alabama, in addition to ended amongst the summary execution of 2 British citizens in addition to an Indian religious leader in addition to the forcible U.S. annexation of Castilian Florida.

But at to the lowest degree Jackson’s enemies were really hostile to the United States. Unfortunately, the mistreatment of friendly in addition to Christian Indians continued long after the indicate had passed when Indians posed whatever existent threat to the the States in addition to fifty-fifty inwards cases where they could hardly receive got done to a greater extent than to demonstrate their loyalty. Perhaps the most egregious illustration of many occurred inwards Civil War era Minnesota.

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 grouping of Winnebago Indians, previously removed past times the regime from their Wisconsin homeland, were living peacefully inwards the vogue of white farmers inwards the expanse some Blue Earth. When a Sioux uprising broke out inwards 1862, the Winnebago were forced out of their homes equally a safety threat, in addition to sent to a novel reservation inwards a barren department of introduce Nebraska.

The Winnebago had no connection to the Sioux outbreak, in addition to could non receive got made much of a military machine contribution to it inwards whatever case, since most of the fighting-age Winnebago men were serving inwards the Union regular army at the time. The Winnebago veterans would observe no homes to provide to after the war. At that point, many of them doubtless wished they had been conspiring against the United States.