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Hollywood Ten

 Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten
Hollywood Ten

Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post–World War II moving ridge of anticommunist paranoia, the Hollywood Ten were a grouping of leftist filmmakers—producer Adrian Scott, directors Edward Dmytryk too Herbert Biberman, too screenwriters Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Ring Lardner, Jr., John Howard Lawson, Albert Maltz, Samuel Ornitz, too Dalton Trumbo—who were blacklisted past times the cinema manufacture too ultimately sentenced to a yr inwards federal prison theater for contempt of Congress afterwards refusing to cooperate amongst the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) inwards 1947.

For Hollywood conservatives, the postwar surge of social employment films, the presence of known Communists inwards the leadership of the Screen Writers Guild, too a serial of violent strikes inwards 1945 too 1946 past times the leftist Conference of Studio Unions, were all evidence of a vast Communist conspiracy to command the cinema manufacture too undermine U.S. democratic values.

Their greatest appal was directed at the pro-Soviet films produced during the war—Song of Russia, Mission to Moscow, The North Star—but they also detected Marxist propaganda inwards a broad variety of progressive films including Crossfire, The Farmer’s Daughter, too The Best Years of Our Lives.

 Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten

In 1944, Hollywood reactionaries had formed the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals (MPA); early on inwards 1947, the MPA issued an opened upward invitation to the HUAC to investigate Communist influence inwards the cinema industry.

The HUAC eagerly accepted. Hollywood, amongst its twin threats of Jewish domination too Communist infiltration, had long been an irresistible target for conspiracy theorists, too the cinema manufacture had weathered innumerable attacks past times both federal too state investigating committees since the 1930s. In the postwar period, however, the political landscape had considerably altered equally the emerging mutual depression temperature state of war abroad profoundly raised the stakes inwards the anticommunist displace at home.

In the jump too summertime of 1947, FBI agents swarmed over the cinema colony spell HUAC chairman J. Parnell Thomas himself held a serial of closed-door interviews at the Biltmore Hotel amongst “friendly” witnesses. In September, the HUAC issued subpoenas to forty-three members of the cinema community, including xix who would larn known equally the “unfriendlies” for their song opposition to the HUAC.

The “unfriendlies” were a various grouping inwards damage of age, ethnicity, cast background, status, too sense inside the cinema industry, too fifty-fifty political commitment. Although all were linked amongst the Communist Party at some signal inwards their lives, their private commitments to the political party employment or to political activism diverged wildly.

Nonetheless, at that topographic point was mutual ground: all were tearing (even “premature”) antifascists, too all were committed to integrating their politics into their creative work. Rejecting the studio moguls’ argument that movies were but entertainment, they believed that movies could too should reverberate the multifariousness of the torso politic too stand upward for U.S. values of democracy, social justice, too tolerance.

Rallying roughly the slogan “freedom of the screen,” the Hollywood radicals too their supporters (which initially included an impressive coalition of leading liberals too the studio heads) clearly understood that the HUAC’s investigation was intended non but to smear private cinema radicals but to discredit the really values that underlay their cultural politics. For them, the HUAC investigation was the opening salvo inwards a reactionary conspiracy to destroy civil liberties, indeed, a harbinger of fascism inwards the United States.

To a for certain extent, both sides were right. Hollywood radicals did try, inside the confines of a profoundly conservative studio system, to create antifascist, antiracist, internationalist, progressive films. And the HUAC members, recognizing the ability of cinema to shape populace consciousness too to reverberate the state to the world, did desire to ensure that Hollywood films reflected their ain conservative version of Americanism.

At the hearings inwards Washington inwards piece of cake October, exclusively 11 of the xix unfriendlies were called to testify. One, Bertolt Brecht, fled for Europe equally shortly equally the hearings had ended. The remaining 10 were charged amongst contempt of Congress too fired from their positions at the studios. Blacklisted, they left Hollywood for New York, Europe, too fifty-fifty United Mexican States inwards search of work, spell their lawyers unsuccessfully appealed the contempt convictions.

The Hollywood Ten entered federal prison theater inwards 1950; when released the next year, the HUAC had returned to Hollywood amongst a vengeance, too hundreds of radicals joined the Ten on the blacklist spell dozens to a greater extent than named names to salve themselves too their careers. One of those was managing director Edward Dmytryk, the exclusively fellow member of the Ten to recant too provide to operate at the studios.

The balance of the Ten continued to operate haphazardly, writing behind fronts for both cinema too television. In the piece of cake 1950s, the starting fourth dimension chinks appeared inwards the blacklist when Dalton Trumbo, writing nether the pseudonym “Robert Rich,” won the screenwriting Oscar for The Brave One; inwards 1960, the blacklist was officially broken when Otto Preminger hired Trumbo to accommodate Exodus.

Ultimately, however, the blacklist affected non exclusively people but ideas. The climate of fright created past times the anticommunist displace stifled dissent too encouraged political too cultural conformity inwards ways that powerfully shaped the cinema manufacture too the larger civilization of postwar America.

Mexican-American War

 Numerous conspiracy theories pump on the controversial state of war fought betwixt the United St Mexican-American War
Mexican-American War

Numerous conspiracy theories pump on the controversial state of war fought betwixt the U.S. together with United Mexican States betwixt 1846 together with 1848. One theory states that the state of war was a production of a conspiracy past times southern U.S. congressmen to arrive at to a greater extent than southern territory, and, therefore, arrive at to a greater extent than political power.

Another catch suggests that it was U.S. President James K. Polk who initiated a complex conspiracy to start a “just” state of war against Mexico. Yet a 3rd theory puts the blame for starting the state of war on a conspiracy amid an aggressive Mexican press.

As early every bit the Missouri Compromise (1820), the U.S. Congress had made attempts at balancing political ability betwixt the gratis together with slave states. This balancing human activity continued throughout what historians telephone telephone the “era of sectional conflict,” together with ended entirely alongside the outbreak of the U.S. Civil War.

 Numerous conspiracy theories pump on the controversial state of war fought betwixt the United St Mexican-American War Numerous conspiracy theories pump on the controversial state of war fought betwixt the United St Mexican-American War

Abraham Lincoln was 1 of many politicians who saw a state of war alongside United Mexican States every bit detrimental. He together with many others believed that the acquisition of southern territory would offset the residual of political power.

Both earlier together with afterwards the war, contemporary abolitionists, including prominent spokesmen inwards both the northern Democrat together with Whig Parties, defendant the so-called Slave Power, a suspected cabal of southern oligarchs bent on expanding slavery together with the southern agency of life throughout the Western Hemisphere, of arranging the state of war to achieve their ends.

Though many at that fourth dimension believed that President Polk was exercise of the Slave Power conspiracy, others so together with since possess got pointed to Polk himself every bit the cardinal conspirator inwards instigating the war. Polk was a prominent advocate of Manifest Destiny, the belief that it was the God-given destiny of the U.S. to spread from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific.

Mexico’s to a greater extent than northerly provinces— together with inwards the minds of some, all of Mexico—were thus a legitimate target for U.S. expansion. Polk lent song back upward to this seat during his sweat for the presidency, announcing his potent back upward for the annexation of Texas, which was currently beingness considered past times Texas President John Tyler.

According to Anson Jones (the concluding president of the Republic of Texas), Polk sent agents to Texas to attempt to persuade him to provoke hostilities alongside United Mexican States piece the annexation procedure was taking place, bringing the U.S. into a territorial state of war inwards defense forcefulness of 1 of its states together with fixing the responsibleness for the state of war on Mexico. This suspected conspiracy, which anticipated the Mexican-American War past times 11 months, did non succeed entirely because Jones would possess got no exercise inwards it.

Having failed inwards this conspiracy, Polk attempted the buy of New Mexico, California, together with the disputed reason inwards Texas betwixt the Nueces River together with the Rio Grande. However, it presently became painfully clear to Polk that, afterwards losing Texas to U.S. annexation, United Mexican States had no intention of parting alongside whatever to a greater extent than of its land.

At this point, theory holds, Polk initiated merely about other together with fifty-fifty to a greater extent than complex conspiracy past times ordering General Zachary Taylor alongside a large Earth forces to station himself merely within the disputed territory southwest of the Nueces River. When hostilities failed to materialize, Polk ordered Taylor to the rima oris of the Rio Grande, which was the southernmost fringe of the edge claimed past times Texas.

Once there, Taylor built a fort together with blockaded the river. At the same time, a U.S. military machine exploring political party nether John C. Fremont moved into California’s Salinas Valley together with Polk secretly instructed the navy to invade California should whatever hostilities interruption out betwixt the U.S. together with Mexico.

These actions proved sufficient to provoke Mexico. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 detachment of the Mexican Earth forces defending the port metropolis of Matamoros fought an appointment alongside merely about of Taylor’s troops, killing 11 together with wounding merely about other five. Now able to claim that United Mexican States had “shed American blood upon American soil,” Polk went earlier Congress together with asked for a annunciation of war.

Thus, according to this theory, a complicated conspiracy initiated past times the U.S. president succeeded inwards starting a war. However, whether this was to achieve his ain aims or those of the Slave Power remains at issue.

Relating to this presidential conspiracy is merely about other that points inwards a completely dissimilar direction. Claiming that the treaty that fixed the southern boundary of Texas at the Rio Grande had been signed nether duress, United Mexican States repudiated both that boundary together with fifty-fifty Texas’s correct to be every bit an independent republic.

Thus annexation of Texas past times the U.S. was regarded every bit an invasion of Mexican sovereignty together with United Mexican States forthwith broke off all diplomatic relations. Although regime together with military machine leaders inwards United Mexican States did non desire state of war alongside the United States, merely about possess got pointed to a conspiracy amid the nationalistic Mexican press, which enflamed populace thought sufficiently to forcefulness a to a greater extent than aggressive policy.

Polk’s efforts, whether the production of a conspiracy or not, fed into the aims of this grouping of journalists, providing ammunition for a barrage of scathing editorials disputation that United Mexican States must instruct to war, both inwards retaliation for the annexation of Texas together with to dissuade the U.S. from seeking to instruct to a greater extent than territory inwards the southwest. The bottom draw of piece of occupation was that Mexico’s national pride was at stake. According to this view, this culminated inwards the skirmish along the Rio Grande, which sparked the starting fourth dimension of the war.

The Mexican-American War ended alongside the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), which ceded nearly one-third of Mexico’s territory to the United States. In return, the U.S. paid United Mexican States $15 1 K m together with agreed to allow Mexicans living on the reason to rest if they chose to produce so.

Mormonism


The Mormon Church (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints) was established on half dozen Apr 1830, with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening. Founded past times Joseph Smith, Jr. (1805–1844), it was from the commencement the target of suspicion too oppression. In 1820, Smith, a mystic, treasure seeker, too diviner, claimed to take away maintain received a see from God the Father too Jesus Christ.

During this visitation Smith was told that all of the churches had turned aside from God too he had been commissioned to restore the “true church.” Seven years after Smith was contacted past times the angel Moroni giving him instructions on where to observe a laid of golden plates inscribed with the Book of Mormon (written past times too named after Moroni’s father).

The volume was written inward “reformed Egyptian” too had to hold upwardly translated through the “Urim too Thummim,” ii seer (or peep) stones that were laid inward a breast-plate worn over the shoulders. The translation took 3 years too the plates were “swept away” past times Moroni after it was done. In 1830, Smith published the volume too a novel faith was born.

 with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism

Attacks on Mormonism

Since publication, the Book of Mormon has been attacked equally an elaborate fraud. Critics take away maintain claimed that if Smith did non plagiarize it from the Old Testament too other sources, he made it upwardly entirely.

These charges take away maintain operate harder to deflect inward recent years, equally bear witness has emerged challenging the truthfulness of Joseph Smith on such matters equally his conviction for treasure hunting too his role of folk magic. More damaging yet was the regain of the actual scroll Smith allegedly used inward his translation of the Book of Abraham.

From its inception, the cult faced suspicion too hostility from larger society. Anti-Mormon feeling fed on the to a greater extent than full general nativist fearfulness of internal subversion inward the US of the nineteenth century. Faced with a chop-chop changing society, many felt the take away for unity too shut ranks against the forces of anti-U.S. movements.

Any grouping idea likewise dissimilar was highly suspect too Americans suspected immigrants, Catholics, too Freemasons of plotting to overthrow the republic. Ultimately, nativists feared that these “un-American” groups wanted to command all of the United States. Mormons provided 1 to a greater extent than outlet for the mass paranoia.

Despite the heartfelt disputation of well-nigh Mormons that they were Christians, the sect has never been accepted past times Christian churches. They run into the Mormon claim equally an endeavour to roll their cultlike views inward the respectable blanket of Christianity. This claim was perceived equally about other manifestation of the endeavour to encompass upwardly the giant conspiracy.

 with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism

Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 major drive of suspicion was that the Latter-day Saints (LDS) exhibited several characteristics that were viewed equally un-American. Because Mormon leaders ruled with an Fe hand, they were seen equally an unscrupulous, autocratic grouping of megalomaniacs plotting to overthrow the moral too social order. In addition, the secrecy of rituals fueled suspicion that the grouping was performing too plotting immoral too illegal acts.

Even the construction of the sect caused about to persuasion it equally un-American. The membership was looked upon equally unwitting too docile dupes—more mindless machines than humans. The sect demanded sum allegiance too dominated virtually all aspects of its adherent’s life. These traits were viewed equally a threat to the really footing of American life—democracy, religion, too justice.

Of all the frightening rituals of the LDS, it was their belief inward polygamy that brought forth the well-nigh outrage too disgust from their critics. Most Americans viewed the practise equally a shape of slavery.

 with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism with the religious fervor of the American Second Great Awakening Mormonism

Through polygamy women became mere concubines at the beck too telephone telephone of their masters. Multiple wives also provided a setting for all forms of immorality too critics imagined all diversity of sexual abominations taking house inside the Mormon sanctuary.

Mormon History

In 1833, the LDS faced their foremost existent attacks too were forced to operate out Jackson County, Missouri. When less subtle methods failed (opponents had destroyed the Mormon printing press too tarred too feathered the local leader), anti-Mormons went on a rampage. They burned too pillaged the Mormon settlement, forcing the residents to flee for their lives.

In Dec 1840 Smith gathered the faithful inward Illinois. He obtained a metropolis charter from the state authorities too established the novel community of Nauvoo. With the concomitant correct to organize a government, including a militia, he felt that the sect was insulated from persecution.

The initial years at Nauvoo were proficient for Smith too the Mormons. He managed to hit sum inward the construction of his chop-chop growing sect too fifty-fifty ran for U.S. president. Although he lost his bid for the presidency, the prophet was elected both mayor too lieutenant-general of the militia of Nauvoo.

This intertwining of church building too state offended many inward Illinois, yet the Mormons mightiness take away maintain weathered the tempest had Smith non announced several additional heaven-sent proclamations.

At Nauvoo, Smith (with the official championship of “Seer, a Translator, a Prophet, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, too Elder of the Church through the volition of God the Father, too the Grace of Your Lord Jesus Christ”) continued to take away maintain revelations regarding the mission too construction of the novel denomination.

Several of these revelations were specially vexing for many people, including about of the higher-ranking faithful. Smith foremost sealed about rituals too parts of the temple off to outsiders, too this “secrecy” served to farther enhance the suspicions of the larger community.

In addition, Smith distanced his faith from traditional Christianity past times proclaiming that humans, similar God, were eternal too non created beings, too that the faithful could operate gods themselves.

It was, however, Smith’s pronouncement on spousal human relationship that actually served to outrage people both inside too exterior of the sect. In 1844, Smith called for his disciples to adopt the ways of the Old Testament patriarchs too convey multiple wives.

Smith himself manifestly had already been practicing polygamy for several years too had married at to the lowest degree forty-nine women. The telephone telephone for a render to polygamy laid off a firestorm. While about of the faithful reluctantly took on additional wives, several left the sect too founded an anti-Smith paper inward Nauvoo.

The Nauvoo Expositor was founded to break the immoral practices, megalomania, too delusions of grandeur of the prophet too called for a render to the original teachings of the church, but the paper was only able to issue 1 issue.

Smith ordered the paper’s printing press destroyed, the type scattered, too all recovered newspapers burned. The devastation of the opposition press resulted inward the arrest of Smith too several of his confederates. While incarcerated, both Smith too his blood brother Hyram were murdered past times a mob on 27 June 1844.

After the exceed away of Joseph Smith his followers carve upwardly into a multitude of factions, each claiming to hold upwardly the true church. The mass of the faithful chose to follow Brigham Young, 1 of the church’s senior apostles. In the wake of Smith’s murder, Young managed to rally the faithful too when faced with a possible government-sponsored eviction from Nauvoo, led them on a heroic trek to the Salt Lake expanse of Utah.

The migration due west had been a destination of Joseph Smith. He felt that exterior of U.S. territory the sect could practise their faith without interference. Unfortunately for Smith’s dream, only 3 years after Young led the faithful to Utah inward 1847, it became a U.S. territory.

Initially, the religionists were left to their ain devices. Within a few years, however, Young’s autocratic government, the entanglement of church building too state, too the number of polygamy raised the ire of the national government. In 1857, President James Buchanan ordered troops into the expanse to “restore order.”

The Mormons, piece appearing gear upwardly to fight, acceded to the superior forcefulness too Young negotiated a peaceful resolution to the crisis. The only casualties inward the “Mormon War” were a grouping of 120 California-bound settlers who were brutally murdered past times a Mormon militia at Mountain Meadows.

Despite their attempts at isolation, the LDS continued to take away maintain to bargain with the wider world. As Utah grew too the US solidified its command over the West, the Mormons were forced to dismantle the church-controlled political political party too officially abandon the practise of polygamy inward monastic say to pave the agency for statehood. Some families, disgusted with this abandonment of the founder’s teachings, left for areas inward Canada too United Mexican States where they could proceed the practise of multiple marriages.

By the fourth dimension of Utah statehood inward 1898, the Latter-day Saints had moved from a radical millennialist sect to a prosperous too stable denomination. As their influence spread to surrounding states the Mormons became a major business office of the religious landscape of the United States. Today, the Utah-based church building boasts xi 1 thou one thousand members, with 5.5 1 thou one thousand inward the United States. It still, however, has non gained credence equally a mainstream denomination.

Hollywood Ten

 Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten
Hollywood Ten

Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post–World War II moving ridge of anticommunist paranoia, the Hollywood Ten were a grouping of leftist filmmakers—producer Adrian Scott, directors Edward Dmytryk too Herbert Biberman, too screenwriters Alvah Bessie, Lester Cole, Ring Lardner, Jr., John Howard Lawson, Albert Maltz, Samuel Ornitz, too Dalton Trumbo—who were blacklisted past times the cinema manufacture too ultimately sentenced to a yr inwards federal prison theater for contempt of Congress afterwards refusing to cooperate amongst the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) inwards 1947.

For Hollywood conservatives, the postwar surge of social employment films, the presence of known Communists inwards the leadership of the Screen Writers Guild, too a serial of violent strikes inwards 1945 too 1946 past times the leftist Conference of Studio Unions, were all evidence of a vast Communist conspiracy to command the cinema manufacture too undermine U.S. democratic values.

Their greatest appal was directed at the pro-Soviet films produced during the war—Song of Russia, Mission to Moscow, The North Star—but they also detected Marxist propaganda inwards a broad variety of progressive films including Crossfire, The Farmer’s Daughter, too The Best Years of Our Lives.

 Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten Among the starting fourth dimension too virtually visible victims of the post service Hollywood Ten

In 1944, Hollywood reactionaries had formed the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals (MPA); early on inwards 1947, the MPA issued an opened upward invitation to the HUAC to investigate Communist influence inwards the cinema industry.

The HUAC eagerly accepted. Hollywood, amongst its twin threats of Jewish domination too Communist infiltration, had long been an irresistible target for conspiracy theorists, too the cinema manufacture had weathered innumerable attacks past times both federal too state investigating committees since the 1930s. In the postwar period, however, the political landscape had considerably altered equally the emerging mutual depression temperature state of war abroad profoundly raised the stakes inwards the anticommunist displace at home.

In the jump too summertime of 1947, FBI agents swarmed over the cinema colony spell HUAC chairman J. Parnell Thomas himself held a serial of closed-door interviews at the Biltmore Hotel amongst “friendly” witnesses. In September, the HUAC issued subpoenas to forty-three members of the cinema community, including xix who would larn known equally the “unfriendlies” for their song opposition to the HUAC.

The “unfriendlies” were a various grouping inwards damage of age, ethnicity, cast background, status, too sense inside the cinema industry, too fifty-fifty political commitment. Although all were linked amongst the Communist Party at some signal inwards their lives, their private commitments to the political party employment or to political activism diverged wildly.

Nonetheless, at that topographic point was mutual ground: all were tearing (even “premature”) antifascists, too all were committed to integrating their politics into their creative work. Rejecting the studio moguls’ argument that movies were but entertainment, they believed that movies could too should reverberate the multifariousness of the torso politic too stand upward for U.S. values of democracy, social justice, too tolerance.

Rallying roughly the slogan “freedom of the screen,” the Hollywood radicals too their supporters (which initially included an impressive coalition of leading liberals too the studio heads) clearly understood that the HUAC’s investigation was intended non but to smear private cinema radicals but to discredit the really values that underlay their cultural politics. For them, the HUAC investigation was the opening salvo inwards a reactionary conspiracy to destroy civil liberties, indeed, a harbinger of fascism inwards the United States.

To a for certain extent, both sides were right. Hollywood radicals did try, inside the confines of a profoundly conservative studio system, to create antifascist, antiracist, internationalist, progressive films. And the HUAC members, recognizing the ability of cinema to shape populace consciousness too to reverberate the state to the world, did desire to ensure that Hollywood films reflected their ain conservative version of Americanism.

At the hearings inwards Washington inwards piece of cake October, exclusively 11 of the xix unfriendlies were called to testify. One, Bertolt Brecht, fled for Europe equally shortly equally the hearings had ended. The remaining 10 were charged amongst contempt of Congress too fired from their positions at the studios. Blacklisted, they left Hollywood for New York, Europe, too fifty-fifty United Mexican States inwards search of work, spell their lawyers unsuccessfully appealed the contempt convictions.

The Hollywood Ten entered federal prison theater inwards 1950; when released the next year, the HUAC had returned to Hollywood amongst a vengeance, too hundreds of radicals joined the Ten on the blacklist spell dozens to a greater extent than named names to salve themselves too their careers. One of those was managing director Edward Dmytryk, the exclusively fellow member of the Ten to recant too provide to operate at the studios.

The balance of the Ten continued to operate haphazardly, writing behind fronts for both cinema too television. In the piece of cake 1950s, the starting fourth dimension chinks appeared inwards the blacklist when Dalton Trumbo, writing nether the pseudonym “Robert Rich,” won the screenwriting Oscar for The Brave One; inwards 1960, the blacklist was officially broken when Otto Preminger hired Trumbo to accommodate Exodus.

Ultimately, however, the blacklist affected non exclusively people but ideas. The climate of fright created past times the anticommunist displace stifled dissent too encouraged political too cultural conformity inwards ways that powerfully shaped the cinema manufacture too the larger civilization of postwar America.

Fugitive Slave Act

 every bit a business office of a larger compromise orchestrated past times Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky inward an att Fugitive Slave Act
Fugitive Slave Act

The Fugitive Slave Act was enacted inward 1850 every bit a business office of a larger compromise orchestrated past times Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky inward an effort to field the growing rift betwixt the North too South over the expansion of slavery into the Western territories.

The law, which was basically a revision of the 1793 Fugitive Slave Law, was seen every bit a federal conspiracy past times both northerners too southerners too made the prospect of liberty for blacks, northward too south, slave too free, look fifty-fifty farther out of reach.

The Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 was passed inward a similar climate of sectional differences next the American Revolution (1775 - 1783) too the emergence of the U.S.A. every bit a nation. In 1793, slavery had been abolished or was beingness abolished inward viii of the northern states spell it remained legal inward 7 southern states.

 every bit a business office of a larger compromise orchestrated past times Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky inward an att Fugitive Slave Act every bit a business office of a larger compromise orchestrated past times Senator Henry Clay of Kentucky inward an att Fugitive Slave Act

The U.S.A. Congress passed the constabulary inward 1793 inward lodge to let slave catchers to render fugitive slaves inward the costless states dorsum to their owners inward the South. The constabulary simply required oral testimony past times the slave catcher that the individual he had constitute was indeed a slave. The individual hence captured had no guarantee to the correct of trial too whatever individual constitute guilty of harboring the defendant fugitive would direct keep to pay a fine of $500.

The constabulary express the rights of blacks inward the North whether a fugitive or born free, because it made it possible for slave catchers to abduct whatever dark individual from the North too simply claim that he or she was a runaway slave. Even if an abducted dark could evidence that he or she had been born costless or had been laid free, their express rights to a trial meant that such evidence may non last permitted inward court.

Recognizing the disparity betwixt the constitutional rights given to U.S. citizens too the restrictions placed on blacks inward the North due to the 1793 laws, many northerners fought to exceed nation laws that would render its dark citizens amongst some effective agency of getting around the federal law.

Between the passage of the get-go Fugitive Slave Law of 1793 too the minute of 1850, several northern states enacted a serial of personal liberty laws that would let captured blacks defendant of beingness fugitives the correct to trial past times jury too would postulate written documentation of their ownership to last presented past times their captors.

Many such laws likewise provided for the prosecution of kidnappers who abducted costless blacks inward the North too forbade the purpose of nation facilities inward assisting amongst such endeavors. Such concessions given to blacks inward the North angered southern slave owners, who claimed that the northern states were conspiring against them too denying them of their holding too prompted the South to clamor for to a greater extent than rigorous federal enforcement of the 1793 law.

The hollo for for an terminate to sectional disagreements inward both the Whig too Democratic Parties culminated inward Clay’s Compromise of 1850. This compromise consisted of 5 separate bills:
  1. The admission of California every bit a costless state.
  2. Moving the Texas edge east, out of New United Mexican States territory.
  3. The arrangement of the Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, too Utah territories amongst a provision that pop sovereignty would create upward one's hear if they would afterwards last admitted every bit slave or costless states.
  4. The Fugitive Slave Act.
  5. The abolition of the slave merchandise inward Washington, D.C.
As the biggest concession to slave owners inward the South, the novel Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 succeeded inward rolling dorsum some of the rights attained past times blacks inward the North past times overriding the laws of private states inward mandating the render of runaway slaves.

Clay’s mouth for the Fugitive Slave Act was divided into 4 sections. The get-go allowed the claimant (either the possessor or the slave catcher) to direct keep the defendant fugitive to whatever court, commissioner, clerk, marshal, postmaster, or customs official to stake his claim inside the nation where the alleged fugitive was apprehended. All of the officials of the get-go section, amongst the exception of the federal marshal, were granted the authorisation past times the minute department to number a warrant for the arrest of the accused.

The 3rd department doubled the fine laid downwards inward 1793 from $500 to $1,000 to anyone constitute guilty of harboring the defendant fugitive or to whatever federal marshal who failed to enforce the law. The terminal department of the mouth gave federal marshals the correct to deed inward house of the possessor or the owner’s agent inward capturing suspected fugitives.

Once the mouth was passed into law, the deed farther mandated that commissioners presiding over the cases of defendant fugitive slaves would have a $5 paperwork fee if the defendant was laid costless too a $10 fee if the defendant was constitute guilty too returned to slavery.

Political opponents of the constabulary inward the North argued that the divergence inward the amount paid to the commissioner based on the ruling would entice officials to uncovering inward favor of the slave catcher inward lodge to earn to a greater extent than coin inward such cases.

Southerners, on the other hand, argued that the constabulary did non produce plenty to ensure that their holding was beingness returned too farther argued that northerners were conspiring against them past times non attempting to enforce the law. Sectional rivalries betwixt northern too southern whites continued every bit usual, spell blacks inward both the North too the South constitute their prospects for liberty inward the U.S.A. severely limited.

Though it is unclear whether or non the constabulary truly stopped slaves from attempting to escape to freedom, it is clear that those blacks who had already constitute their liberty inward the North had ground to fearfulness the novel law.

Within the get-go twelvemonth too a one-half of the law’s enactment, solely 5 out of eighty-nine defendant fugitives were laid free. Many northern blacks, fearing seizure, fled farther northward to Canada. Between the fourth dimension the mouth was passed into constabulary inward belatedly September of 1850 too the terminate of the year, an estimated 3,000 blacks had fled to Canada.

Questions of who the constabulary truly benefited too who it conspired against became irrelevant amongst the eruption of the American Civil War (1861 - 1865) too the subsequent enactment of Abraham Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation inward 1863.

Bank War

 Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War
Bank War

Charges that the Second Bank of the US (BUS) had fallen into the hands of “moneyed interests” (an odd selection of labels, given that it was a bank) had led to growing hostility in addition to opposition to the Bank past times closed to Americans during the Jackson era.

There were already many who soundless remembered the panic of 1819 in addition to the severe contraction initiated past times the president of the Second BUS, Langdon Cheves, inwards an endeavour to salve the institution.

He succeeded past times calling inwards loans in addition to foreclosing on property, so selling the dry soil when prices returned. Cheves’s efforts, though, alienated many toward banks altogether. One of those who blamed banks for his ain fiscal misdealings was Andrew Jackson, elected president inwards 1828.

 Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War

Jackson, the “Hero of New Orleans,” had grown upward amongst a hatred for the British, suffering a injure equally a teenager from an English linguistic communication officeholder during the Revolution. Most of Jackson’s career had taken house inwards Tennessee courthouses or on campaigns amongst the regular army against American Indians or British troops.

He so had orchestrated a rigid anti-Washington watch inwards the nation, which he translated into a suspicion of anything large in addition to powerful. In a sense, he was the outset populist president, who saw evil inwards moneyed elites, large business, in addition to higher upward all large fiscal institutions.

Jackson’s agreement of economic science in addition to finances largely came from reading a mass on the South Sea Bubble Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War in addition to from the advice of William Gouge inwards his Short History of Paper Money in addition to Banking inwards the United States Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War (1833). Gouge was convinced that newspaper money was an intrinsic evil, in addition to that entirely “hard money,” or a gilt circulating medium, would engender prosperity.

By the fourth dimension Jackson won the presidency, the number of banks inwards the US had grown almost geometrically. Under most circumstances, a banking concern received its charter (its correct to behavior business) from the province legislature later submitting a petition from citizens explaining the “public good” such a describe of piece of occupation organization would convey to local communities.

Charters at the province storey no longer automatically entailed monopoly condition for the bearer, exactly did send of import advantages, such equally express liability and, for banks, the authorisation to number newspaper “notes” or money.

Each banking concern could (in theory) impress notes inwards proportion to its paid-in capital, which (again, inwards theory) consisted of gilt in addition to silverish coin, called “specie.” But banks routinely issued far to a greater extent than notes than they had specie inwards their vaults. It was, later all, how they turned a profit, past times issuing the notes inwards the cast of loans whose repayments exceeded the pocket-size involvement they paid on deposits.

Few—especially Jackson—understood banking equally it operated at that time. Banks maintained closed to specie reserve, because at whatever fourth dimension customers mightiness need their notes survive “redeemed” inwards specie.

Any banking concern that could non redeem its notes was dependent to immediate closure past times the province legislature, although few banks were e'er required to closed down, mostly because when ane banking concern was inwards trouble, all of them were inwards trouble, in addition to no legislatures (except Arkansas in addition to Wisconsin, inwards 1837) banned banks altogether.

What kept the organization running was trust inwards the bank’s notes, non the actual gilt or silverish inwards the safe. Thus, inwards an ironic twist, the healthier a bank, the lower its specie reserves, piece banks that were to a greater extent than suspect to runs would have got to hold to a greater extent than specie inwards their vaults.

One exception to this state-governed construction stood out: the Second Bank of the United States, which, similar its predecessor, had numerous of import advantages over its state-level competitors. As the depository for the funds of the US government, the BUS had an enormous deposit base, which meant that it had far to a greater extent than money to lend than whatever other bank.

It also was empowered to opened upward branches inwards states designated past times Congress: the Second BUS had branches inwards Chillicothe, Ohio, New Orleans, Louisiana, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, New York, in addition to so on. The advantages offered past times branches were twofold. First, branches made the banking concern real a national institution.

When it came to currency, this gave it a meaning edge, inwards that, for example, a local New Orleans bank’s notes mightiness merchandise “at par” (face value) inwards New Orleans in addition to the surrounding area, exactly the farther ane got from the bank, the to a greater extent than hard it became to redeem the notes, making them merchandise at a “discount.” This was non the illustration amongst BUS money.

Since BUS offices were relatively good distributed throughout the country, it was non hard to redeem BUS notes inwards whatever region. Likewise, the ubiquity of BUS notes gave them to a greater extent than credibility in addition to popularity than local banknotes, which added a premium to their value.

One mightiness think that these advantages over province banks would have got made the BUS an enemy of local institutions, in addition to so fair game for Andrew Jackson’s elbow grease to destroy it. In reality, however, most province banks saw the BUS equally a root of stability that kept out poorly capitalized or badly run banks.

The BUS could constabulary the organization to a degree, past times staging “raids” inwards which a local BUS cashier might, inwards the procedure of exchange, collect the notes of a state-chartered banking concern in addition to so surprise the local bank’s staff past times presenting a large total of notes for redemption.

The local banking concern would have got to have got BUS notes or specie equal to the total demanded, or risk charter revocation past times the province legislature. Some have got argued that the dependent area brought on past times this threat fostered hostility to the BUS past times state-chartered banks, exactly the large numbers of petitions that came into Congress past times such local banks during the Bank War prove to the contrary: past times in addition to large, local bankers liked the presence of the BUS.

Within this context, the actual causes of the Bank War lay inwards the personalities of Jackson in addition to the president of the Second BUS, Philadelphian Nicholas Biddle Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War, who had succeeded Cheves. Biddle had built the BUS into a powerful force, which made it a prominent target for Jackson.

An first-class banker, Biddle had the back upward of the most powerful men inwards the Senate—Henry Clay Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War, Daniel Webster, in addition to John Calhoun—but misjudged the pop appeal that Jackson could muster against an “elite” institution. Thinking Jackson, inwards an election year, would non dare oppose a company establishment that had meant much to U.S. business, Biddle’s supporters submitted a recharter nib for the Bank 4 years earlier the charter expired.

Where Biddle saw economical ground in addition to mutual sense, the emotion-driven Jackson saw an election issue. He vetoed the recharter bill, calling the Bank a “monster.” Claiming that “The bank, Mr. Van Buren, is trying to kill me, exactly I volition kill it,” he railed against “monopolies in addition to exclusive privileges”.


Playing on pop watch against “moneyed men,” Jackson claimed that Clay, amid others, had received BUS loans, piece other Jackson supporters raised the canard used against the First Bank of the US that command of the Bank was inwards the hands of “foreign” (largely British) investors. Cartoons portrayed Jackson equally the champion of the mutual homo battling a many-headed hydra of wealthy-looking men inwards top hats.

The stunned Bank forces industrial plant life that they did non have got the votes to override Jackson’s veto, in addition to piece they were soundless reeling from that setback, Jackson delivered another. He withdrew all regime deposits from the Bank, stripping it of its most of import competitive advantage.

Jackson stuffed those funds inwards province banks whose administration was loyal to him, known equally “Pet Banks.” Now a shell, the BUS could do little, in addition to inwards 1836, when its national charter expired, Biddle obtained a charter from the State of Pennsylvania, entirely to have got the banking concern hammered inwards the panic of 1837, in addition to eventually close.

For to a greater extent than than a century, pundits in addition to historians accepted that what happened side past times side was the upshot of Jackson’s “war.” Land prices shot up, which scholars attributed to the inflationary issues past times the local banks right away unrestrained past times the threat of BUS “raids.”

Jackson responded to this inflation past times passing the Specie Circular Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War (1836), which required that all federal dry soil survive paid for inwards specie. This, inwards plow (according to the long-held view) caused a crash inwards dry soil values in addition to brought on the panic of 1837. The story was internally consistent, in addition to was to a greater extent than ofttimes than non accepted past times virtually all U.S. historians good into the 1960s.

Indeed, Robert Remini’s classic on the affair, Andrew Jackson in addition to the Bank War, soundless accepted this watch equally piece of cake equally 1967, fifty-fifty when other evidence had larn available. In the early on 1960s, novel economic science approaches, called econometrics, that used large information samples manipulated past times computers, made it possible to examine the claims most the BUS in addition to Jackson’s purpose amongst statistical evidence.

Richard Timberlake, Jr., in addition to so Peter Temin discovered independently that the inflation had occurred completely apart from the activities of the Bank War—that Mexican silver Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War imports that formed the specie reserve inwards banks had soared inwards the early on 1830s. Likewise, they showed, those silverish inflows dried upward rapidly past times 1836, instigating the panic.

The Bank War made practiced theater, in addition to enabled pro-Jackson historians such equally Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., in addition to Robert Remini to do a myth most Jackson fighting for the mutual man, exactly it was entirely that, a myth.

Jackson favored a large primal regime equally much equally his predecessor, John Quincy Adams Charges that the Second Bank of the US  Bank War, exactly wanted the levers of regime inwards the hands of the Democrats, non the Whigs or Federalists. He greatly expanded executive powerfulness at the federal level, in addition to his forces inwards Congress sought to enact sweeping novel laws against currency number past times whatever bank.

In the end, Jackson did non abhor banks, exactly entirely banks that were non nether the command of his party. Nevertheless, the picture of a swordwielding Jackson, slashing away at an octopus representing “big business” in addition to “big money,” remains a pop ane to this day.

Latin American Social Issues

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Latin American Social Issues

The recent history of Latin America is a story of profound political and economic change. During the second half of the 20th century, Latin America witnessed a transformation of society as the region struggled to find itself in the face of modernity and economic expansion.

Crushing poverty facilitated alternative forms of religious faith that spoke to the condition of many Latin Americans. Migration from the countryside to the city and north to the United States spoke to a yearning for a better life.

A thriving drug trade centered on a global market employed organized violence against national governments that tried to curb the trade. Centuries of oppression led to an organized and influential indigenous movement that mobilized to demand Indian rights and autonomy.

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Latin American countries plunged into the uncertainty of the oil industry with the hopes of increased revenues and instead found unpredictable results and mixed blessings. These factors offer a window into the dramatic social transformation of Latin America from 1950 to the present.

Latin American spirituality underwent profound changes in recent history. Liberation theology spoke to a new turn in the role of the Catholic Church in Latin America, although it was not a phenomenon unique to the region. For centuries, the church stood as a conservative element in association with the state; the church legitimized authoritarian rule.

However, beginning in the 1960s, many priests, nuns, and lay workers drew on their personal experiences working with the poor to question the responsibility of the church in the unequal distribution of wealth in Latin America.

Some Latin American theologists began to speak of the role of the church and Christians in helping the poor, a mission clearly laid out in the Bible. Liberation theology is an understanding of the Christian faith developed out of the suffering and social injustice experienced by the poor.

As such, it is a critique of society and the ideologies supporting the dominant hegemony, including the traditional role of the Catholic Church. It gave the poor a voice and created new forms of community-based activism. Liberation theology was a formidable force in Latin America for a few decades—especially in Central America, Brazil, and Chile.

Liberation theory gained momentum in 1968 when a group of 130 Latin American bishops met in Medellín, Colombia to discuss the church and its relationship to the populace. The bishops promoted an empowering education jadwal for illiterate rural peasants that affirmed the dignity and self worth of the students. This education was carried out in small community-based groups where people could gather together to read the Bible and discuss its relevance to their lives without a priest or church building.

Engaging Catholicism without a priest represented a new idea. Rural priests often served thousands of parishioners and could only visit some communities once a year. Priests, nuns, and lay people used the Medellín conference as a springboard for a new approach to their work with the poor.

Those Catholic personnel dedicated to the poor quickly learned through their charitable work that the condition of the lowest classes of Latin American society could only be relieved through sweeping structural changes. This would involve direct political action.

Some base communities served as the vehicle for political action as participants experienced an awakening, or consciousness-raising about their devalued position in society. Many Christian-based communities served not only as sites of literacy education and Bible study but also places where a reinterpretation of traditional religion promoted a transformative perspective on the world.

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Latin American Social Issues

Some groups worked toward improvements in local basic services, such as healthcare and transportation. In spite of this, base communities represented a small fraction of Catholics, and by the 1980s, enthusiasm for liberation theology waned.

Protestantism is a relatively new player in Catholic Latin America. Brazil is home to Latin America’s largest Protestant community with half of the region’s estimated 40 million Protestants, but Central America boasts the largest number of evangelicals in terms of the percentage of the population.

European migration to the continent brought the traditional Protestant churches, such as German Lutheranism and British Anglicanism. Despite the influence of European immigrants, North American missionaries bear the responsibility for the tremendous growth in Protestantism in Latin America, especially evangelical forms like Pentecostalism.

Sharing liberation theology’s sense of consciousness-raising, Pentecostalism allows participants a refuge from suffering and social injustice by providing a spiritual space in which believers can regain some feeling of control over their lives.

Additionally, unlike Catholicism and mainstream Protestantism, Pentecostalism permitted anyone to become a spiritual leader, even the illiterate and poverty stricken. Women, in particular, have been attracted to evangelical churches due to their inclusive nature.

Evangelicalism has taken hold throughout the wartorn countries of Central America, especially in rural areas. In Guatemala rural Mayan women, mostly widows, fill evangelical churches in search of a sense of community that has been lost. These churches provide a network of support that replaces destroyed kinship ties. Protestant churches offer a religious alternative and a message of hope to the underdogs of society.

For women, the evangelical Protestant ban on drinking alcohol makes Protestant husbands an attractive marriage partner. In addition, the phenomenon associated with Pentecostalism in particular, such as speaking in tongues and faith healing, has given women positions of power within their religious communities.

Despite North American origins, evangelical Protestantism in Latin America is a unique phenomenon. Its churches emphasize the notion of community and belonging more than its northern counterparts. In addition, in Latin America being an evangelical does not necessarily denote a right-wing conservative political identity as it tends to in North America.

Latin America’s economic setbacks have not only influenced new religious movements but have also led to mass migrations of people. Latin Americans have moved from the countryside to the city and from Latin America to North America. Prior to the 1930s the majority of Latin America’s population resided in rural areas.

The global economic depression of the 1930s dealt a hard blow to the Latin American export economy, and rural residents began to leave the countryside. This exodus peaked over a 30-year period from 1950 to 1980 and succeeded in transforming Latin America’s social structure from predominantly rural to overwhelmingly urban.

By 1980 family-based farming was no longer viable as market-oriented modern agribusiness became the norm. Thousands streamed into Latin America’s major cities in search of industrial jobs and a better life. Women comprised a majority of the rural-urban migrants, as industrialization opened many jobs for female workers. Rapid urbanization quickly outpaced housing, basic services, and job markets.

Rural residents arrived in the cities to find dirty, disease-ridden, and overcrowded shantytowns with spotty electrical power and water shortages. Rural-urban migration caused a labor surplus, which led to the rise of a vast informal sector of the economy consisting of street vendors, rubbish scavengers, and prostitutes.

Latin Americans also migrated north to the United States for economic, political, and social reasons. Mexicans currently represent the greatest percentage of Latin Americans immigrating to the United States.

They often have come looking for work, and many resided in the south-west long before it belonged to the United States. During the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, Mexicans and Mexican Americans routinely crossed back and forth over the border, with little or no regulation.

During the 1930s, the government supported the repatriation of Mexican workers to provide more jobs for Americans. However, with the onset of World War II, labor shortages fueled the Bracero Program, which allowed Mexican agricultural workers to come into the country on a temporary basis. The Bracero Program lasted until 1964.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 called for penalties for those hiring undocumented workers, but also granted amnesty to many undocumented immigrants already living in the United States. The Immigration Act of 1990 favored the legal immigration of family members of U.S. citizens and permanent residents.

Cuban Immigrants

Many Cuban immigrants came to the United States fleeing a repressive political regime. Cubans enjoyed a privileged status in relation to other Latin American immigrants due to the U.S. foreign policy on Cuba. As early as 1960 the U.S. government had created a special center for Cuban refugees, and their path to legal residence in the United States was easily cleared.

These first waves of immigrants represented the Cuban elite and middle class and individuals and families with financial resources, specialized job training, and American connections. In 1980 Fidel Castro opened the door for Cubans to leave the island, and a deluge of mostly male semi- and unskilled workers flowed into south Florida.

This migration overwhelmed U.S. authorities, and many of the refugees were placed in detention camps for months. Currently U.S. officials observe a quota on Cuban immigrants, but the Cuban-American community continues to thrive and grow.

Central Americans also have migrated to the United States seeking refuge from wars and violence that have disrupted the economy and everyday life, especially in El Salvador and Guatemala. In the 1980s migrants from El Salvador left their homes due to civil war and political repression.

Unlike Cubans fleeing political repression, many Salvadorans were denied permanent residency and deported. Churches in the U.S. southwest developed a “sanctuary movement” to protest U.S. treatment of these refugees, providing a safe haven for those fleeing violence.

In the 1990s a small minority of Salvadoran immigrants brought violence to the United States in the form of street gangs. Many of these gang members were targeted by U.S. immigration officials in Los Angeles, California, and sent back to El Salvador.

Not only are Latin Americans moving north, Latin America drugs are making the trip as well. One of the largest social problems facing Latin America is drug traficking, especially in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru. The drug trade embodies simple supply and demand economics.

This multinational drug trade negatively affects U.S.–Latin American relations as many of the region’s leaders believe that the U.S. war on drugs focuses unfairly on the supply side of the equation. Unfortunately, in countries suffering from crushing poverty, drugs represent a viable economic option. The debt crisis of the 1980s and the collapse of prices for tin and coffee on the international market fueled the Latin American drug trade.

In several Latin American countries, Peru and Bolivia in particular, the drug trade acted as an economic buffer, offering alternative sources of income when other options vanished. The drug trade creates an atmosphere of violence. Drug cartels breed corruption and threaten the integrity and stability of the state, democracy, security, public health, susila values, and international reputation.

Drug Trade

Poverty and unemployment in Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia—along with the high prices Latin American cocaine fetched in the United States—fueled the drug trade and offered viable economic alternatives. Colombia and Bolivia saw a significant boost to its national economy from drug revenues, but violence and corruption went hand-in-hand with the economic boom.

In Peru, the world’s largest producer of coca leaves, the environmental destruction wrought by the drug trade is appalling. Large tracks of rain forest have been clear-cut for cultivation, and the pesticides and herbicides used for growing coca have leached into forest water systems.

The involvement of guerrillas in the drug trade has further complicated the situation, and threats to the integrity of the state continue in these nations. Despite billions of U.S. dollars poured into curbing the Latin American drug trade, major traffickers have been affected very little.

The drug trade has impacted Latin American indigenous groups in remote rural areas, as they are often caught in the crossfire between traffickers and the government. In Peru many have fled the countryside for shanty-towns in the cities, hoping to escape the violence brought on by traffickers and guerrillas, especially the Shining Path.

Such issues have led to an explosion of indigenous groups organizing for a better life. The sophistication and power of indigenous organizations forced many Latin American states to negotiate with Indian peoples and create new legislation that protected their rights.

The traditional relationship between the state and its native peoples is changing, with indigenismo policies that strove for assimilation abandoned in favor of embracing multiculturalism and pluriethnicity. Despite claims of embracing multiculturalism, not all Latin American states have actually implemented policies aimed at improving the lives of indigenous peoples.

One of the best-known indigenous movements occurred in 1994 in Chiapas, Mexico. Landless Maya formed the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) as an outlet for their struggle for rights and recognition in national life. The EZLN briefly occupied several towns in Chiapas. When negotiations with the Mexican state began, the first demands of the Zapatistas centered on Indian autonomy and rights.

The EZLN did not advocate a separation from the Mexican nation-state, but rather called for the state to implement the tenets of the constitution of 1917 regarding indigenous peoples. The Zapatistas drew international attention to the plight of Mexico’s indigenous population and provided inspiration to other Indian groups in Latin America.

Oil Industry

The oil industry directly affects the quality of life for all Latin Americans; unpredictable oil prices have varying impacts on the economy as a whole. Latin America has a few significant oil-producing countries: Mexico, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia. In fact, Mexico and Venezuela have become key suppliers to the United States. Latin America’s oil industry has undergone many transformations.

From the 1930s to the 1970s, foreign owners controlled significant portions of the Latin American oil economy, with the exception of Mexico, which nationalized its oil industry in 1938. By the 1970s Latin America’s oil industry was mostly nationalized, as foreign investors looked to the oil fields of the Middle East instead.

The Latin American oil industry has been subject to the volatile political, economic, and social history of Latin America, with varying degrees of success. While some nations expected their large oil reserves to clear the way for economic development, the region’s major oil-exporting economies experienced obstacles in transforming oil revenues into a continuous source of funding.

High oil prices aided significant producers that were dependent on exports for revenue and foreign exchange, like Mexico, Venezuela, and Ecuador. For oil-importing countries, such as Brazil, Peru and Chile, the price of oil served as a vital factor in inflation, production costs, the trade balance, and currency strength. In the past 20 years, oil prices have been more precarious than any other export commodity.

The impact of an unpredictable oil market fluctuates depending on a nation’s reliance on oil production and exports. The historical and current state of Latin America’s oil industry suggests that it is the management of oil resources, not oil wealth itself, that can create economic problems.

Latin America’s tremendous economic growth and development after 1950 transformed the region but intensified the misery of many Latin Americans. Rapid growth and urbanization led to mass migrations of people trying to find a niche in a hostile environment. Industrial progress brought thousands of rural residents into Latin America’s major cities with the hope of a living wage, but failed to alleviate poverty.

Devastating poverty fuels the drug trade, which for many peasants and indigenous people offers the only viable economic endeavor for survival. The oil industry, especially in Mexico and Venezuela, promised hope but has seemingly failed to materialize into concrete change for the better.

Liberation theology and the growth of evangelical Protestantism speak to a suffering poor searching for a ray of light in a bleak world. The promises of prosperity that accompanied economic growth proved to be empty for many people in Latin America. Although Latin America experienced economic progress, true transformations of society and social justice continue to elude the region.