Slave Power

Slave Power

During the antebellum period, northerners opposed to slavery feared that a modest grouping of southern slave-holders was conspiring to gain command of the federal regime together with run it to farther southern slave-holding interests. These northerners argued that the conspiracy sought to expand the South’s political ability at the expense of northern whites’ liberties.

The Republican Party, which developed during the tense sectional politics of the 1850s, made the fullest run of this argument. Its leading figures, such equally Charles Sumner, William Seward, together with Joshua Giddings, were amidst the most active proponents of the theory that a “Slave Power Conspiracy” existed inwards the South.

Their arguments asserted that this conspiracy was committed to the defence forcefulness of slavery together with was an aristocratic relic inwards democratic America, 1 that failed to observe such basic rights equally liberty of speech, assembly, the press, together with conscience.


From 1845 to 1860, the number of northerners who came to believe inwards the beingness of the conspiracy increased considerably. Though at that topographic point was no cabal of slaveholders who truly tried to assume command of the federal government, the words together with actions of the men of the slaveholding southern states led many northerners to fright that such a conspiracy existed.

Fear of conspiracies had a historical precedent inwards the United States, together with was 1 of the reasons why northerners gave acceptance to the Slave Power Conspiracy. They could refer to a number of conspiracy theories believed to remove keep threatened republican liberties inwards America.

During the colonial era, England had sought to deprive American colonists of their liberties. After the Revolution, at that topographic point were charges that the Bavarian Illuminati sought to subvert the American Republic.

Federalists together with Jeffersonian Republicans traded allegations that the other political party sought to sell out the novel nation to either Great UK of Britain together with Northern Republic of Ireland or France. Burr’s conspiracy of 1804, fright of Masonic subterfuge inwards the 1820s together with 1830s, together with the suspected designs of the Catholic Church were 3 to a greater extent than examples of alleged conspiracies inwards the midst of republican America.

Antislavery northerners could non concur upon the number of southern members of the conspiracy. William Seward believed at that topographic point were 350,000 southerners involved, but Gamaliel Bailey included all household unit of measurement members of slaveholders together with thus came upwardly alongside the figure of 2 million.

Lincoln, the republicans, together with slave power

Other proponents of the “Slave Power” theory included inwards the count northerners who had concern relationships or political sympathies alongside the slaveholding South. Despite these varying estimates, all agreed that the political ability of this conspiracy was considerable equally it drew upon the wealthiest, most politically influential segment of southern gild (Gienapp).

Members of the “Slave Power” shared a belief inwards several principles. First, they accepted the premise of the “positive good” declaration nearly slavery, believing that slavery lifted the African out of savagery together with heathenism together with turned him into a Christian servant, cheerfully laboring for a kindly master copy who together with so cared for the slave inwards his declining years.

Second, these slaveholders believed that they had a correct to ain the labor, equally good equally the bodies, of their slaves. Third, the slaveholders argued that slavery was legal together with constitutional.


They believed that zip inwards the Constitution precluded the ownership of slaves; inwards fact, they asserted that the Constitution protected their ownership of slaves through the protection of private holding afforded yesteryear the Fifth Amendment, which protects life, liberty, together with holding from dry soil seizure without due process. They asserted that slavery was largely a dry soil matter, regulated yesteryear private states, which supported the establishment through the creation of elaborate slave codes.

Origins of the Conspiracy

Abolitionists were the initiative off grouping to brand the accuse that a “Slave Power” existed. Their postal drive of 1835, which sent abolitionist literature to southern slaveholders, together with petition drives, which inundated Congress alongside abolitionist petitions, drew the immediate ire of southern whites. President Andrew Jackson instructed southern postmasters non to deliver this literature.

In 1836, the House of Representatives, nether pressure level from southerners, adopted the “gag rule,” which tabled without word all abolitionist petitions sent to that body. Protection of slavery superseded protection of First Amendment rights for northerners. Abolitionists began to publicize these attacks on the liberties of northern whites, together with this proved to locomote an effective strategy that would pay dividends inwards subsequently decades.

Though abolitionists began to run the concept of the “Slave Power” around 1835, some abolitionists together with northern politicians went dorsum to the offset of the federal regime to seek the origins of the “Slave Power.” They discovered the roots of the work inwards some of the compromises made at the Constitutional Convention of 1787.

These compromises included the three-fifths clause, which gave the South additional political power; a provision for a fugitive slave law, subsequently passed inwards 1793, which obligated northern states to provide runaway slaves to their original states; together with the twenty-year extension of the international slave merchandise until 1808.

The Missouri Crisis of 1819–1821 reawakened fears of the expansion of slavery amidst many northerners. Missouri was business office of the Louisiana Purchase together with lay on the westward banking concern of the Mississippi River, where it served equally the gateway to the western territories.

Northern concerns included the damaging consequence of slavery on the gratis project economic scheme of the western territories, the preservation of western lands for white non-slaveholding men, the failure of the US of America to alive upwardly to the ideals enshrined inwards the Declaration of Independence together with the Constitution, the growth of southern political power, together with the growing opposition to the establishment of slavery. The Tallmadge Amendment, proposed yesteryear James Tallmadge, sought to ban the farther importation of slaves into Missouri together with to laid out the procedure of gradual emancipation inwards that state.

The Missouri Compromise of 1820, however, permitted Missouri to shape a dry soil regime without regard to slavery, but it also created a geographic line of piece of work at 36°30' northward latitude (the southern boundary of Missouri) inwards a higher house which slavery could non expand into the residual of the Louisiana Purchase. It also admitted Maine into the union, thus preserving the sectional balance betwixt gratis together with slave states.

The side yesteryear side major trial that contributed to the fright of a “Slave Power Conspiracy” was the Texas annexation number of 1845. Texas had gained its independence from United Mexican States inwards 1836, but U.S. presidents had rebuffed Texans’ requests for annexation. Fear of state of war alongside United Mexican States together with sectional discord at domicile over the slavery number were the deciding factors inwards those decisions.

There was an equal number of gratis together with slave states inwards the Union, together with Texas, which would locomote a slave state, threatened to disrupt this balance of power. John Tyler, hoping to win reelection inwards 1844, used the number of Texas annexation equally a political tool.

His reelection bid failed, but Texas entered the Union equally a slave dry soil inwards 1845. Some extreme northerners, such equally John Smith Dye, charged that John C. Calhoun led the plot to annex Texas, together with when President William Henry Harrison refused to assent to the plan, the president died of an disease that resembled arsenic poisoning.

Calhoun claimed Tyler, the lately inaugurated vice-president, was fully inwards understanding alongside Calhoun’s plan, pointing to the fact that Tyler appointed Calhoun secretarial assistant of dry soil together with several years later, Texas was a slave state.

However, this interpretation left out 2 substitution points: first, the US of America had long sought Texas, together with second, the US of America feared that Great UK of Britain together with Northern Republic of Ireland mightiness shape an alliance alongside Texas, a diplomatic displace that would remove keep derailed the expansionist goals of Manifest Destiny.

The annexation of Texas helped pave the way for a state of war alongside Mexico, a state of war that antislavery northerners believed to locomote motivated yesteryear southern slaveholders bent on the acquisition of to a greater extent than territory for slavery southward of 36°30'.

During this war, David Wilmot, a Democrat from Pennsylvania, proposed an amendment to a spending nib that demanded that slavery non locomote permitted to spread into whatever territories that the US of America mightiness larn from Mexico. The amendment, known equally the Wilmot Proviso, attracted dandy back upwardly amidst northern Democrats together with Whigs, together with passed inwards the House of Representatives, thank y'all to a northern bulk inwards that chamber.

The amendment died inwards the Senate, where the 2 sections enjoyed parity. The Wilmot Proviso thus went the way of the Tallmadge Amendment, supported inwards the House but rejected inwards the Senate. Antislavery northerners chalked upwardly this defeat to southern political ability aided yesteryear its northern allies.

The Growing Threat of “Slave Power”

Out of the Mexican War came the Mexican Cession, which gave the US of America a massive improver of dry soil inwards the southwest together with along the Pacific coast. When the territory of California asked to locomote admitted into the Union equally a gratis dry soil inwards 1850, southerners feared the loss non solely of valuable territory but also of political power.

California’s entry into the Union would contestation the balance of ability inwards the Senate inwards the North’s favor together with violent debates erupted inwards Congress. Out of the sectional bitterness emerged the Compromise of 1850, which allowed California to locomote a gratis dry soil together with also resulted inwards a novel Fugitive Slave Law. This police delineate concerned many northerners because it placed the national regime inwards the seat of aiding the recapture of fugitive slaves.

Federal marshals could require whatever northerner to assist inwards a search for runaway slaves, without regard to northern citizens’ feelings nearly slavery. The police delineate also stripped the defendant fugitive of the rights of habeas corpus, trial yesteryear jury, together with testifying on his or her ain behalf.

Abolitionists used these features of the police delineate to combat their instance to adept effect, alert that what happened to the defendant fugitive slaves could hap to gratis white men. They also warned that slaveholders wished to spread slavery throughout the nation together with the Americas.

In the 1850s, many antislavery northerners grew concerned nearly growing ties betwixt southern expansionists together with the national regime together with the possible improver of novel slave states to the union. One such illustration of these unopen ties was the Ostend Manifesto (1854).

Three U.S. ministers met inwards Ostend, Belgium, together with issued this manifesto, which declared that Castilian claims to Republic of Cuba were unnatural together with that Kingdom of Spain ought to sell the isle to the United States. The manifesto asserted that the US of America should seize Republic of Cuba if it failed inwards its efforts to buy it from Spain.

At this fourth dimension at that topographic point were also several efforts led yesteryear southern filibusters to works life U.S. command over Republic of Cuba together with Nicaragua. Fears of presidential back upwardly for these ventures were greatly exaggerated, equally the actions taken yesteryear the administrations of Presidents Franklin Pierce together with James Buchanan to disavow them or to halt filibustering expeditions attested (May).

Northern fears of southern expansionism were non express to overseas activities. There was fifty-fifty greater concern that slavery would spread to the western territories. When Senator Stephen Douglas of Illinois proposed the Kansas-Nebraska Act inwards 1853, which would practise territories through which a transcontinental railroad would locomote constructed, he needed southern back upwardly inwards monastic tell to win its passage.

Douglas seized upon the thought of pop sovereignty, which allowed the residents of a territory to determine if it would locomote slave or free. Since the territories inwards interrogation lay northward of the Missouri Compromise line, Douglas’s proposal meant the repeal of the 1820 line. The Kansas-Nebraska Act passed Congress inwards 1854, but led to increased fright of the beingness of the “Slave Power Conspiracy.”

Both North together with South sent settlers to Kansas, the territory most probable to locomote a slave state, to determine the territory’s gratis or slave status. After a fraudulent ballot, inwards which Missouri “border ruffians” illegally cast ballots, a proslavery regime began inwards Lecompton.

Under the proslavery constitution, men who espoused antislavery opinions lost their correct to vote, patch supporters of slavery from exterior the territory could vote, equally long equally they swore to back upwardly the Fugitive Slave Law together with the Kansas-Nebraska Act together with paid a dollar on election day.

Newspapers that opposed slavery committed a felony together with their editors faced imprisonment, patch the decease penalization awaited those who helped slaves escape. Free-state Kansans established a competition regime inwards Topeka together with during the ensuing impasse, Kansas descended into a civil war.

Proslavery forces “sacked” the free-state town of Lawrence inwards May 1856, an activity widely reported inwards northern newspapers sympathetic to the novel Republican Party, whose stated destination was to halt the western expansion of slavery inwards the territories. These accounts strengthened the conviction that the Slave Power was at work, attempting to spread slavery into Kansas yesteryear whatever agency possible.

Additional evidence of the willingness of the “Slave Power” to run violence to defend slavery occurred that same calendar week inwards Washington when Representative Preston Brooks of South Carolina assaulted Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts. Sumner had spoken against the outrages inwards Kansas, slavery, together with the defenders of slavery, including Senator Andrew Butler, Brooks’s uncle.

Brooks hitting Sumner on the caput alongside a cane several times together with inflicted serious injuries that kept Sumner from his Senate duties for 2 together with a one-half years. Southern newspapers together with pop catch defended this attack. These defenses prompted renewed fears inwards the North that the civil liberties together with physical security of slavery’s opponents were inwards grave peril.

From the Dred Scott Case to Secession

In 1857, the Supreme Court decided the instance of Dred Scott v. Sanford. The courtroom decided that Dred Scott, a slave from Missouri, could non sue because he was non a citizen, together with that blacks could never locomote citizens, that slaves were constitutionally protected property, together with thus that Congress could non regulate or bound slavery inwards the territories.

The Missouri Compromise of 1820 together with pop sovereignty were declared unconstitutional together with thus the instance opened the way for the expansion of slavery throughout the territories. Many Republicans defendant President James Buchanan, who had discussed the instance alongside several justices earlier his inauguration, together with the Supreme Court of conspiring alongside the Slave Power to convey nearly this outcome.

This conclusion was untrue equally the Supreme Court was bitterly divided over the instance together with Buchanan’s remarks nearly the impending determination were typed earlier he spoke alongside the justices at his inauguration. Notwithstanding, many northerners at 1 time feared that the side yesteryear side footstep of the Supreme Court would locomote to strike downwards northern dry soil laws that forbade slavery’s existence, thus nationalizing slavery.

Buchanan became the focus of some other struggle involving the “Slave Power” inwards 1858 when he presented the Lecompton Constitution to Congress together with defended it equally the volition of the people of Kansas. Voters inwards Kansas had overwhelmingly rejected the proposed constitution, but Buchanan asserted that Kansas was a slave dry soil together with that free-state forces were disloyal. To deny Kansas admission to the wedlock equally a slave state, he asserted, would anger the South.

Republicans denounced Buchanan equally a willing tool of the “Slave Power,” together with charged that southerners sought a slave dry soil to counterbalance California together with restore a sectional balance of power. In the end, alongside the assist of Stephen Douglas, Congress rejected the Lecompton Constitution. Kansas would eventually bring together the Union equally a gratis dry soil during the presidency of Abraham Lincoln.

In the belatedly 1850s, potent sentiment for reopening the African slave merchandise emerged inwards the cotton-producing states of the Deep South. Supporters of this movement claimed that the 1808 prohibition was unconstitutional together with a reply to northern antislavery fanaticism.

Defenders of this policy argued that additional slaves would give the South greater political ability inwards the House of Representatives, where the three-fifths clause held sway, together with restore a sectional balance of power.

The concluding dandy human activity of the “Slave Power” was secession from the Union, offset alongside South Carolina on 20 Dec 1860. Slaveholders feared that the novel Republican management of President Lincoln, elected inwards 1860, would comprehend an abolitionist policy toward slavery inwards the South.

What began equally an elbow grease to protect slavery from regime interference ended inwards failure equally the Confederacy lost the Civil War. The Emancipation Proclamation together with the Thirteenth Amendment pose an halt to slavery together with fears of a “Slave Power.”

Mexican-American War

Mexican-American War

Numerous conspiracy theories pump on the controversial state of war fought betwixt the U.S. together with United Mexican States betwixt 1846 together with 1848. One theory states that the state of war was a production of a conspiracy past times southern U.S. congressmen to arrive at to a greater extent than southern territory, and, therefore, arrive at to a greater extent than political power.

Another catch suggests that it was U.S. President James K. Polk who initiated a complex conspiracy to start a “just” state of war against Mexico. Yet a 3rd theory puts the blame for starting the state of war on a conspiracy amid an aggressive Mexican press.

As early every bit the Missouri Compromise (1820), the U.S. Congress had made attempts at balancing political ability betwixt the gratis together with slave states. This balancing human activity continued throughout what historians telephone telephone the “era of sectional conflict,” together with ended entirely alongside the outbreak of the U.S. Civil War.


Abraham Lincoln was 1 of many politicians who saw a state of war alongside United Mexican States every bit detrimental. He together with many others believed that the acquisition of southern territory would offset the residual of political power.

Both earlier together with afterwards the war, contemporary abolitionists, including prominent spokesmen inwards both the northern Democrat together with Whig Parties, defendant the so-called Slave Power, a suspected cabal of southern oligarchs bent on expanding slavery together with the southern agency of life throughout the Western Hemisphere, of arranging the state of war to achieve their ends.

Though many at that fourth dimension believed that President Polk was exercise of the Slave Power conspiracy, others so together with since possess got pointed to Polk himself every bit the cardinal conspirator inwards instigating the war. Polk was a prominent advocate of Manifest Destiny, the belief that it was the God-given destiny of the U.S. to spread from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific.

Mexico’s to a greater extent than northerly provinces— together with inwards the minds of some, all of Mexico—were thus a legitimate target for U.S. expansion. Polk lent song back upward to this seat during his sweat for the presidency, announcing his potent back upward for the annexation of Texas, which was currently beingness considered past times Texas President John Tyler.

According to Anson Jones (the concluding president of the Republic of Texas), Polk sent agents to Texas to attempt to persuade him to provoke hostilities alongside United Mexican States piece the annexation procedure was taking place, bringing the U.S. into a territorial state of war inwards defense forcefulness of 1 of its states together with fixing the responsibleness for the state of war on Mexico. This suspected conspiracy, which anticipated the Mexican-American War past times 11 months, did non succeed entirely because Jones would possess got no exercise inwards it.

Having failed inwards this conspiracy, Polk attempted the buy of New Mexico, California, together with the disputed reason inwards Texas betwixt the Nueces River together with the Rio Grande. However, it presently became painfully clear to Polk that, afterwards losing Texas to U.S. annexation, United Mexican States had no intention of parting alongside whatever to a greater extent than of its land.

At this point, theory holds, Polk initiated merely about other together with fifty-fifty to a greater extent than complex conspiracy past times ordering General Zachary Taylor alongside a large Earth forces to station himself merely within the disputed territory southwest of the Nueces River. When hostilities failed to materialize, Polk ordered Taylor to the rima oris of the Rio Grande, which was the southernmost fringe of the edge claimed past times Texas.

Once there, Taylor built a fort together with blockaded the river. At the same time, a U.S. military machine exploring political party nether John C. Fremont moved into California’s Salinas Valley together with Polk secretly instructed the navy to invade California should whatever hostilities interruption out betwixt the U.S. together with Mexico.

These actions proved sufficient to provoke Mexico. Influenza A virus subtype H5N1 detachment of the Mexican Earth forces defending the port metropolis of Matamoros fought an appointment alongside merely about of Taylor’s troops, killing 11 together with wounding merely about other five. Now able to claim that United Mexican States had “shed American blood upon American soil,” Polk went earlier Congress together with asked for a annunciation of war.

Thus, according to this theory, a complicated conspiracy initiated past times the U.S. president succeeded inwards starting a war. However, whether this was to achieve his ain aims or those of the Slave Power remains at issue.

Relating to this presidential conspiracy is merely about other that points inwards a completely dissimilar direction. Claiming that the treaty that fixed the southern boundary of Texas at the Rio Grande had been signed nether duress, United Mexican States repudiated both that boundary together with fifty-fifty Texas’s correct to be every bit an independent republic.

Thus annexation of Texas past times the U.S. was regarded every bit an invasion of Mexican sovereignty together with United Mexican States forthwith broke off all diplomatic relations. Although regime together with military machine leaders inwards United Mexican States did non desire state of war alongside the United States, merely about possess got pointed to a conspiracy amid the nationalistic Mexican press, which enflamed populace thought sufficiently to forcefulness a to a greater extent than aggressive policy.

Polk’s efforts, whether the production of a conspiracy or not, fed into the aims of this grouping of journalists, providing ammunition for a barrage of scathing editorials disputation that United Mexican States must instruct to war, both inwards retaliation for the annexation of Texas together with to dissuade the U.S. from seeking to instruct to a greater extent than territory inwards the southwest. The bottom draw of piece of occupation was that Mexico’s national pride was at stake. According to this view, this culminated inwards the skirmish along the Rio Grande, which sparked the starting fourth dimension of the war.

The Mexican-American War ended alongside the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), which ceded nearly one-third of Mexico’s territory to the United States. In return, the U.S. paid United Mexican States $15 1 K m together with agreed to allow Mexicans living on the reason to rest if they chose to produce so.

Sugarcane Plantations in the Americas

Sugarcane Plantation in the America

The histories of African slavery and sugar production in the Americas are inextricably bound together. The plantation economies of the Caribbean and Brazil, which together received approximately 80 percent of the estimated 10 million African slaves transported to the Western Hemisphere from the 1490s through the 1860s, were dominated by sugar production.

As an expansive scholarly literature since the 1960s has made plain, sugar and slavery are the keywords of much of Brazilian and Caribbean history and together have shaped the cultural, economic, political, social, and demographic history of the Atlantic World in many profound ways.

The origins of sugarcane (Saccarum officinarum L.), a type of grass, have been traced to New Guinea in around 8000 b.c.e. By the first century c.e., it was grown across much of southern Asia and the Pacific. By 1000 c.e., its production and consumption among the elite had spread through much of the Mediterranean world, largely in consequence of the spread of Islam.


In the 1400s, the Portuguese and Spanish developed important templates for later New World plantation sugar production on their Atlantic islands: the Portuguese in São Tomé and Madeira, the Spanish in the Canaries. Before the encounter with the Americas in 1492, both were employing African slave labor to produce sugar and developing processing techniques that, after 1492, were transplanted wholesale to the sugar-producing zones of the Western Hemisphere.

Christopher Columbus is credited with taking the first sugarcane to the New World in 1493 from Spain’s Canary Islands. Soon Hispaniola had largely reproduced the industrial processing techniques developed in the Atlantic and made its first shipments of sugar to Europe around 1516.

By the mid-1520s, large quantities of sugar were being shipped from Brazil to Lisbon. The sweet granular substance proved a sensation among its elite customers, and demand skyrocketed. Cultivation and processing of sugar quickly spread throughout the Antilles and the Brazilian littoral as well as to Mexico, Paraguay, and South America’s Pacific coast.

Early Spanish efforts in the Caribbean ended largely in failure, though by the 1580s the French and English began plantation sugar production using African slave labor in the Lesser Antilles. Large-scale slave-based commercial sugar production in the Caribbean did not take off until after 1650, on the islands claimed by the French, English, and Dutch.

The English example is instructive. Sugar from Barbados began arriving in England in the mid-1650s. In the 40 years from 1660 to 1700, annual English consumption rose from 1,000 to 50,000 hogsheads, while export rose from 2,000 to 18,000 hogsheads. By the 1750s, the vast bulk of the 110,000 hogsheads imported annually were being consumed at home.

The peak of British West Indian sugar exports to England was in 1774, with nearly 2 million hundredweight. Growth rates for the French were comparable. For the Portuguese, the 1600s was the century of sugar, as their coastal plantations in Brazil spread rapidly inland, especially in the Northeast. Demand seemed insatiable, and production grew apace.

Sugar making, especially in its New World incarnation, has been aptly described as an industry that depends on farming and factory production. Through a series of complex steps requiring substantial skill and technical infrastructure, the cane juice was extracted from the stalk by mechanical means (crushing, chopping, etc.).

After the juice was boiled and cooled numerous times, with precise temperatures and timing, the end product consisted of a granular precipitate of the plant’s naturally occurring sucrose, ranging in color from dark brown to white. Its labor demands were intensive and immediate; for optimal production values, the cane juice must be extracted from the plant within 24 hours of its harvest.

Two Categories of Labor Needed

Sugar production thus required two broad categories of labor: one in the field to cut and haul the cane to the mill, and another in the mill to process the juice into granulated sugar. These labor requirements in turn created two broad strata of slave laborers: more numerous field slaves, among whom mortality rates were exceedingly high (in 17th-century Brazil, an average of 90 percent of imported African slaves died during their first seven years in the colony), and a smaller number of skilled slaves, who tended to receive more preferential treatment. Among mill slaves, industrial accidents were common, as many were crushed to death in the grinders and burned in the mill’s many boilers and kettles.

As sugar production skyrocketed so did the importation of African slaves into the sugar-producing zones. The relationship between the two was direct, as most scholars agree. In 1645, before widespread sugar production had taken root, Barbados counted 5,680 African slaves; by 1698, with sugar production having grown by more than 5,000 percent, its slave population exceeded 42,000.

Jamaica counted 1,400 African slaves in 1658; by 1698, their numbers had risen to over 40,000. Slave population growth rates in Antigua, Saint-Domingue (later Haiti), and other English, French, and Dutch sugar islands were comparable. The vast majority slaved in the sugar economy.

In 17th-century Brazil, sugar plantation slavery came to form the central pillar of the colonial economy. Similarly, one of the colony’s core social institutions became the engenho (same root as the English engine), which came to mean both the machinery of the mill itself and the larger plantation complex.

The sugar harvest (safra in Portuguese, zafra in Spanish) began toward the end of July and continued without stop for the next eight or nine months. Slaves were divided into crews: one to cut and haul cane to the mill, another to process the cane into sugar.

Water power turned the grinding mill in larger engenhos, oxen in smaller engenhos. The highest strata of workers consisted of the boiler technicians and artisans, who could be either slave or free. The average engenho had from 60 to 80 slaves, though some counted more than 200.

Overall slave mortality rates averaged from 5 to 10 percent annually but were higher among field slaves. Sugar planters became the dominant social class in Brazil and almost everywhere else where sugar production formed the basis of the colonial economy.

Caribbean and Brazilian sugar production generated ripple effects throughout the Atlantic World. Large quantities of West Indian sugar were exported to Britain’s North American colonies, where most of it was distilled into rum. The West Indian trade also fueled the North American colonial economy through its large and growing demand for lumber, foodstuffs, and other goods produced for export to the sugar islands.

Rum exports to Britain similarly skyrocketed, from 100,000 gallons in 1700 to 3,341,000 gallons in 1776. The effects generated by West Indian sugar production on the British and British North American economies were enormous and remain the topic of ongoing scholarly research and debate.

In his book Capitalism and Slavery (1944), West Indian historian Eric Williams was the first to propose a direct causal relationship between the growth of African slavery in the New World, dominated by sugar production, and the development of capitalism in Europe, particularly in Britain. Spawning a huge debate and literature, this book has been challenged in many specific points.

Yet the overall thrust of his thesis—that sugar, slavery, and British capitalism all emerged together as part of the same process of social transformation—has stood the test of time, its main arguments retaining credibility in the scholarly community six decades after the book’s publication.

African Slavery Expands

After the French acquisition of the western portion of the Spanish island of Hispaniola in the Treaty of Ryswick of 1695 (henceforth Saint-Domingue), sugar production and African slavery exploded. By the 1760s, slave imports averaged between 10,000 and 15,000 per year.

By 1787, the number exceeded 40,000 per year. By the time of the French Revolution in 1789, Saint-Domingue was populated by an estimated 500,000 slaves, more than two-thirds born in Africa, vastly outnumbering both whites and mulattoes.

Known in France as the “Pearl of the Antilles,” Saint-Domingue had quickly become the world’s largest sugar producer, with more than 800 sugar plantations, many with hundreds of slaves. Decadal mortality rates among slaves on Saint-Domingue in the mid- and late 1700s are estimated at more than 90 percent.

The more than 10 million African slaves transported over nearly three centuries to work in New World plantation agriculture, most in sugar production, has been called accurately the largest forced migration in the history of the world.

The African diaspora, fueled in large part by an insatiable European demand for sugar, coffee, tobacco, and other tropical plantation export commodities of the Americas, profoundly shaped every aspect of African, European, and American history, especially in the Caribbean and Brazil. The long-term historical effects of Europe’s sweet tooth remain readily apparent across the Americas, Africa, and the broader Atlantic World.

Abbasid Dynasty

Abbasid caliphate greatest extent

The Abbasids defeated the Umayyads to claim the caliphate and leadership of the Muslim world in 750. The Abbasids based their legitimacy as rulers on their descent from the prophet Muhammad’s extended family, not as with some Shi’i directly through the line of Ali and his sons.

The Abbasids attempted to reunify Muslims under the banner of the Prophet’s family. Many Abbasid supporters came from Khurasan in eastern Iran. Following the Arab conquest of the Sassanid Empire, a large number of Arab settlers had moved into Khurasan and had integrated with the local population. Consequently, many Abbasids spoke Persian but were of Arab ethnicity.

The New Capital of Baghdad

The first Abbasid caliph, Abu al-Abbas (r. 749–754), took the title of al-Saffah. His brother and successor, Abu Jafar, adopted the name al-Mansur (Rendered Victorious) and moved the caliphate to his new capital, Baghdad, on the Tigris River. Under the Abbasids the center of power for the Muslim world shifted eastward with an increase of Persian and, subsequently, Turkish influences.


Persian influences were especially notable in new social customs and the lifestyle of the court, but Arabic remained the language of government and religion. Thus, while non-Arabs became more prominent in government, the Arabization, especially in language, of the empire increased.

Mansur’s new capital, built between 762 and 766, was originally a circular fortress, and it became the center of Arab-Islamic civilization during what has been called the golden age of Islam (763–809). With its easy access to major trade routes, river transport, and agricultural goods (especially grains and dates) from the Fertile Crescent, Baghdad prospered. Agricultural productivity was expanded with an efficient canal system in Iraq.

Commerce flourished with trade along well-established routes from India to Spain and trans-Saharan routes. A banking and bookkeeping system with letters of credit facilitated trade. The production of textiles, papermaking, metalwork, ceramics, armaments, soap, and inlaid wood goods was encouraged. An extensive postal system and network of government spies were also established.

Harun Al-Rashid and the Abbasid Zenith

Harun Al-Rashid

The zenith of Abbasid power came under the caliphate of Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809). Harun al-Rashid, his wife Zubaida, and mother Khaizuran were powerful political figures. Zubaida and Khaizuran were wealthy and influential women and both controlled vast estates. They also played key roles in determining succession to the caliphate.

Like the Umayyads, the Abbasids never solved the dilema of succession, and their government was weakened and ultimately, in part, destroyed because of rivalries over succession. Under Harun al-Rashid the Barmakid family exerted considerable political power as viziers (ministers to the ruler).

The Barmakids were originally from Khurasan and had begun serving the court as tutors to Harun al-Rashid. The Barmakids served as competent and powerful officials until their fall from favor in 803, by which time a number of bureaucrats and court officials had achieved positions of considerable authority.

The wealth of the Abbasid court attracted foreign envoys and visitors who marveled over the lavish lifestyles of court officials and the magnificence of Baghdad. Timurlane destroyed most of the greatest Abbasid monuments in the capital, and Baghdad never really recovered from the destruction inflicted by him.

Under the Abbasids, provinces initially enjoyed a fair amount of autonomy; however, a more centralized system of finances and judiciary were implemented. Local governors were appointed for Khurasan and soldiers from Khurasan made up a large part of the court bodyguard and army.

In spite of their power and wealth the Abbasids twice failed to take Constantinople. The Abbasids also had to grapple with ongoing struggles between those who wanted a government based on religion, and those who favored secular government.

Civil War Over Accession and the End of the Abbasids

Harun al-Rashid’s death incited a civil war over accession that lasted from 809 to 833. During the war, Baghdad was besieged for one year and was fought for by the common people, not the elite, in the city. Their exploits were commemorated in a body of poetry that survives until the present day.

The attackers finally won and the new Caliph Mutasim (r. 833–842) moved the capital to Samarra north of Baghdad in 833. During the ninth century the Abbasid army came to rely more and more on Turkish soldiers, some of whom were slaves while others were free men. A military caste separate from the rest of the population gradually developed.

In Khurasan, the Tahirids did not establish an independent dynasty but moved the province in the direction of a separate Iranian government. As various members of the Abbasid family fought one another over the caliphate, rulers in Egypt (the Tulunids), provincial governors, and tribal leaders took advantage of the growing disarray and sometimes anarchy within the central government at Samarra to extend heir own power.

The Zanj rebellion around Basra in southern Iraq in 869 was a major threat to Abbasid authority. The Zanj were African slaves who had been used as plantation workers in southern Iraq, the only instance of largescale slave labor for agriculture in the Islamic world.

Other non-slave workers joined the rebellion led by Ali ibn Muhammad. Ali ibn Muhammad was killed fighting in 883 and the able Abbasid military commander, Abu Ahmad al-Muwaffaq, whose brother served as caliph, finally succeeded in crushing the rebellion.

Under Caliph al-Muqtadir (r. 908–932) the capital was returned to Baghdad where it remained until the collapse of the Abbasid dynasty. By the 10th century any aspirant to the caliphate needed the assistance of the military to obtain the throne. The army became the arbiters of power and the caliphs were mere ciphers. A series of inept rulers led to widespread rebellions and declining revenues while the costs of maintaining the increasingly Turkish army remained high.

By the time the dynasty finally collapsed, it was virtually bankrupt. In 945 a Shi’i Persian, Ahmad ibn Buya, took Baghdad and established the Buyid dynasty that was a federation of political units ruled by various family members. A remnant of the Abbasid family, carrying the title of caliph, moved to Cairo where it was welcomed as an exile with no authority over either religious or political life.

Conquest and Colonization of Brazil

Conquest and Colonization of Brazil

The Portuguese conquest of Brazil was a complex, prolonged, and partial process that many scholars argue was never fully realized. Lacking large cities, a centralized political structure, and a common language, the estimated 2 to 3 million precontact indigenous inhabitants of the Brazilian coast and interior were divided into an intricate patchwork of ethnolinguistic groups and clan-based tribes.

The principal coastal groups were Tupi-speaking peoples who had migrated into the area in the preceding centuries, displacing and absorbing existing groups. Seminomadic hunter-gatherers with intimate knowledge of the local environment, Tupi speakers were divided into numerous major branches and hundreds of autonomous bands, often in conflict with each other and other groups, and possessing great skill in the arts of war.

Their principal weapon, often used with deadly effect, was the bow and arrow. Like other ethnolinguistic groups in the Americas, many Tupi-speaking peoples practiced ritual cannibalism in the most general terms, a cultural-religious practice acknowledging the spiritual power of slain enemies.


The Portuguese used reports of ritual cannibalism to justify their invasion, slave raiding, and other excesses of violence, much as the Spanish had used the practice of ritual human sacrifice to justify their subjugation of the Aztecs in the conquest of Mexico.

The first European explorer to sight the Brazilian coast was Portuguese noble Pedro Álvares Cabral, in command of 13 ships headed around the southern tip of Africa to India, on April 22, 1500. Following a brief excursion on the beach, the expedition’s chronicler, Pêro Vaz de Caminha, produced the first written report on the land and its people.

Cabral sent one ship back to Portugal loaded with brazilwood, a red dyewood from which the later colony derived its name, and left behind two convicts to begin the process of mixing with the natives. The following year Florentine explorer Amerigo Vespucci sailed along Brazil’s southern coast. A number of French and Spanish expeditions followed.

These initial contacts with the natives were largely peaceful, though here as elsewhere they resulted in the spread of European diseases against which native peoples had no biological immunity. These diseases led to rapid population declines in many areas long before Europeans arrived.

The years 1500–30 saw the growth of the brazil-wood trade between Europeans and Brazil’s coastal peoples. Relations between rival French and Portuguese traders soon degenerated into a series of violent clashes, with the French ignoring the Treaty of Tordesillas of 1494, to which it was not a signatory.

In the early 1520s, the Portuguese established a garrisoned trading station at Pernambuco, where sugar cultivation was introduced in 1526. French-Portuguese hostilities along the coast intensified. In 1530, the Portuguese Crown responded by commissioning Martím Afonso de Sousa to begin the process of settlement and colonization, an expedition that in 1532 established the first permanent colony at São Vicente near modern São Paulo.

As conflicts with the French grew, in the mid-1530s King João III and his advisers devised the donatory system, which divided the coastland into 15 sections or donatories that extended along imaginary boundaries west into the interior, each to be ruled by a captain or hereditary lord.

Entrusting colonization to a handful of private individuals who would exercise full authority within their respective domains, the Crown hoped to secure its claims against its French rivals. Most donatories languished and failed, with São Vicente and Pernambuco seeing the greatest albeit limited success.

Important in this early phase of colonization were a small number of individuals who mixed with the natives and acted as cultural intermediaries between indigenous peoples and the Portuguese. Sailor Diogo Álvares ventured into the interior near Bahia in the early 1500s, married the daughter of the chief of the Tupinambá tribe, learned their language and culture, and changed his name to Caramurú.

By the 1530s, he had become a respected tribal chieftain and from this position of authority worked to facilitate the process of colonization. That the Bahia captaincy failed was due mainly to poor administration and the settlers’ failure to heed Caramurú’s counsel regarding their interactions with the natives.

Farther south, the settlement of São Paulo succeeded in large part by the efforts of Portuguese castaway João Ramalho, who had also married into a local tribe, the Goiana Tupinikin, and served as interpreter and intermediary.

Portuguese colonists generally mixed with the local inhabitants to a greater extent than was true of other European powers, thereby facilitating subsequent cultural and linguistic melding of different ethnic and racial groups.

Sugar Trade

As the brazilwood trade faded, sugar became the colony’s economic backbone. By the mid-1540s, two sugar-producing centers had emerged; one was around Pernambuco in the north, and the other was in São Vicente in the south.

By this time, competition with French, Spanish, and other rivals had sharpened, prompting the Portuguese Crown to intensify colonization efforts. Consequently, the Crown would play a major role in the colony’s economic development.

In 1549, Tomé de Sousa was appointed governor-general of Brazil at the head of a major expedition that included royal officials, artisans, soldiers, and Jesuit missionaries. Sousa established Salvador as the colony’s capital. To the south, the French colony at the Guanabara Bay threatened Portuguese control of the southern littoral.

In 1565–67, the Portuguese defeated and ousted the French colony and established the town São Sebastião de Rio de Janeiro. Sousa’s successor Mem de Sá (governor-general, 1558–74) consolidated royal control over these coastal population centers.

Indigenous resistance to colonization intensified, particularly in consequence of slave-raiding expeditions organized by planters in the rapidly growing sugar industry. Indian counterattacks nearly destroyed the settlements of Bahia, Espirito Santo, and Ilhéus, and killed Brazil’s first bishop, but could not stem the Portuguese tide.

The Jesuits played a key role in this early phase of colonization and in the centralization of royal authority. Though their numbers were never large (110 in all of Brazil in 1574), their economic, social, and cultural impact was huge.

Young and aggressive, the Jesuit order (founded in 1540) was instrumental in establishing the town of São Paulo in 1557, and in facilitating generally peaceful relations between Indians and colonists in the south.

Taking no vow of poverty, Jesuits made their missions (aldeas) self-supporting and profitable through farming, ranching, and related enterprises. They were also crucial to the colony’s educational life. For most of the colonial period, Jesuit colleges in all the major towns served as the colony’s principal schools.

By the mid-1500s, sugar planters considered that labor had become the colony’s principal economic bottleneck. Land was plentiful, but sugar production in their view required a steady and reliable supply of bound labor. Enslaving native peoples was their initial strategy for meeting these rising labor demands.

The period from 1540 to 1600 saw the most extensive use of Indian slave labor in Brazil’s burgeoning sugar industry. By the late 1500s, disease and native resistance combined to make Indian slavery unable to meet sugar growers’ labor demands, leading to conflicts among the Crown, sugar growers, and the Jesuits.

The Crown tended to advocate the integration of Indians into the economy as free wage laborers; sugar growers promoted slavery; and Jesuits worked toward the transformation of Indians into a kind of smallholding or peasant class. Whose vision predominated hinged on a host of local and regional variables.

The transition from Indian to African slave labor was gradual, though by the early 1600s African slave labor dominated the sugar industry. The first Africans came as servants and sailors, while the first large-scale importation of African slaves did not begin until the 1570s. By the 1580s, the labor force on the 66 sugar plantations of Pernambuco is estimated at two-thirds Indian and one-third African slaves.

In later decades, the proportion of African slaves grew, so that by 1600 Brazil’s slave labor force was predominantly African. Over the next 250 years, Brazil became the single largest recipient of African slaves in the Americas, especially the Northeast, the colony’s principal sugar zone.

Brazil’s European population remained overwhelmingly concentrated in coastal areas. All the major cities founded in the 1500s were ports, including Bahia, São Vicente, Olinda (1537), Santos (1545), Salvador (1549), Vitória (1551), and Rio de Janeiro (1565). The pattern continued well into the 1600s, especially in the north and along the lower reaches of the Amazon.

The Brazilian population remained heavily concentrated in coastal areas through the colonial period and after. As European coastal populations swelled, migrations of Indian peoples away from the coast intensified, producing a ripple effect throughout the interior.

In 1585, São Paulo colonists officially authorized slave-raiding expeditions, and for the next 150 years the bandeirantes hunted Indian slaves across much of Brazil in the service of Paulista sugar planters. From the 1550s on, a series of epidemics ravaged Indian populations, including those of 1552 around Bahia, 1554 around São Paulo, Espírito Santo in 1559, and continuing through the colonial period.

Further impelling the Portuguese Crown to consolidate its hold on the colony was the Dutch presence in the Northeast, from the 1620s until their expulsion in 1654. The discovery of gold in present-day Minas Gerais in the mid-1690s led to a gold rush in these regions from 1700 to 1760, while discovery of diamonds in the same region in the 1720s further propelled expansion into the interior.

Many escaped African slaves also escaped into the interior, sometimes forming Maroon societies of runaway slaves, called quilombos. The largest and most resilient, Palmares, endured through most of the 1600s. By 1700, the population of the colonized areas was an estimated 300,000, with 100,000 whites, 150,000 mostly African slaves, and 50,000 free blacks, Indians, and mixed-race groups.

Colonial Brazil’s first 250 years set in motion a series of patterns and processes that profoundly shaped the subsequent development of Brazilian society. Especially important in this regard were the formation of an export-oriented economy (most notably brazilwood, sugar, gold, and diamonds); stark divisions of race and class; highly unequal landownership; a substantial degree of racial and ethnic intermingling, particularly among the lower classes; the gradual movement of the frontier of settlement westward; the subordination of Indian and African peoples within a relatively rigid social hierarchy; and the existence of vast unconquered lands beyond the western and northern frontiers.

Portuguese in Africa

Portuguese in Africa

The Portuguese were the first to make significant inroads into Africa during the age of discovery, yet they were the last to decolonize their African possessions. This was to a large extent true of Portuguese socioeconomic and political activities in the various communities of Africa in which they operated. The Portuguese empire in Africa was the earliest and longest lived of the colonial empires, lasting from 1415 until 1974, with serious activity beginning in 1450.

The first attempt made by the Portuguese to establish a presence in Africa was when some Portuguese soldiers captured Ceuta on the North African coast in 1415. Three years later, a group of Moors attempted to retake it. A better armed Portuguese army defeated the Moors, although this did not result in effective political control.

In 1419, two captains in the employ of Prince Henry (Henrique) the Navigator, João Gonzalez Zarco and Tristão Vaz Teixeira, were driven by a storm to Madeira. A Portuguese expedition to Tangier in 1436, which was undertaken by King Edward (Duarte) for establishing Portuguese political control over the area, followed.

However Edward’s army was defeated, and Prince Ferdinand, the king’s youngest brother, was surrendered as a hostage. Tangier was later captured by the Portuguese in 1471.


The coast of West Africa also attracted the attention of the Portuguese. The Senegal was reached in 1445, and Cape Verde was passed in the same year. In 1446, Álvaro Fernandes was close to Sierra Leone. By 1450, the Portuguese had made tremendous progress in the exploration of the Gulf of Guinea.

Specifically under João II, exploration had reached the fortress of São Jorge da Mina (Elmina), which was established for the protection of the trade of the Guinea. The Portuguese reached the ancient kingdom of Benin and the coastal part of present-day Niger Delta region of Nigeria before 1480. Oba (King) Esigie, who reigned in the last quarter of the 15th century, is said to have interacted and traded with the Portuguese.

The famous Portuguese explorer Diogo Cão sighted the Congo in 1482 and reached Cape Cross in 1486. The Portuguese thus found themselves in contact with one of the largest states in Africa.

The leading kingdom in the area was the Kongo Kingdom built by the Bakongo, a Bantu people whose king, the Mani-Kongo, had his capital at Mbanza-Kongo, modern San Salvador in northern Angola. Other leading states in the area included Ngoyo and Loango on the Atlantic coast.

When the Portuguese arrived on the east coast of Africa at the end of the 15th century, the region was already witnessing some remarkable prosperity occasioned by a combined effort of Africans and Arab traders who established urbanized Islamic communities in the area.

These included the coast of Mozambique, Kilwa, Brava, and Mombassa. From East Africa the Portuguese explorer Pêro da Covilhã reached Ethiopia in 1490. The big island of Madagascar was discovered in 1500 by a Portuguese fleet under the command of Diogo Dias.

The island was called Iiha de São Lourenço by the Portuguese. Other Portuguese might have visited previously, as was evidenced in the stone tower, containing symbols of Portuguese coats of arms and a Holy Cross. Mauritius was discovered in 1507.

By 1550, Portuguese dominance in both the Indian and Atlantic Oceans had been confirmed. Their position was further strengthened by the Treaty of Tordesillas of July 7, 1494, with Spain, leading to the emergence of a large empire. Some African communities were part of this sprawling Portuguese empire.

Commercial Aims

The needs to establish Christianity and Portuguese civilization were not strong motivators; the aims of the Portuguese were essentially commercial. In the East African region, the Portuguese wanted to supplant the preexisting network of Arab seaborne trade.

Consequently, Portuguese bases at Sofala, Kilwa, and other areas such as the offshore islands of Mozambique, Zanzibar, Pemba, Mombassa, and the island of Lamu were established. In this direction, Vasco da Gama took the first step on his second voyage to India in 1502. He called at Kilwa and forced the sultan to pay a yearly tribute to the king of Portugal.

This was typical of Portugal’s dealings with the coast, and unless tribute was paid, the town was destroyed. If it was paid, the local ruler was usually left in peace, provided he carried out the wishes of the Portuguese.

Map of Portugese in Africa

After Kilwa, Zanzibar was the next place to suffer from the Portuguese. In 1503, a Portuguese commander, Ruy Lourenço Ravasco showed the power of guns by killing about 4,000 men aboard canoes. The men were carrying commodities that were of interest to Ravasco. Available evidence shows that the local men in no way provoked the Portuguese official.

Sofala was another center of attraction to the Portuguese. The town was important because it gave the Portuguese control of the gold supply of the interior of East Africa. The town offered minor resistance to Portuguese incursion. Consequently, a fort was built there to protect the Portuguese colony that now replaced the old Arab settlement in the area.

Kilwa shared the fate that befell Sofala. As in the case of Sofala, the Portuguese met little resistance there. A Portuguese fleet commanded by D’Almeidas captured the town. From there the Portuguese official then sailed away to Mombassa, where they met strong resistance.

Indeed the city was like a thorn in the flesh of the Portuguese. The island was consequently named “the island of war.” However the resistance of the people of Mombassa collapsed and the city was set on fire.

Outside the coast the Portuguese were interested in the gold region of the Zambezi. The Portuguese embarked upon such a massive exploitation of the mineral that within a few years of their activities and occupation, the region had withered to an unattractive settlement.

This development sometimes created a crisis and revolt from the local people. The first serious revolt to succeed was in 1631 when Mombassa rebelled.

It should be noted that it was in an effort to contain uprising from the local people that the Portuguese in 1593 established and garrisoned the great and famous Fort Jesus at Mombassa. Still, the safety and security of the Portuguese merchants were never guaranteed relative to Arab threats.

Already a part of the Indian Ocean community was slipping out of the grip of the Portuguese. In 1622, they were ejected from the Persian Gulf and by mid-17th century, the seafarers of the maritime state of Oman were regularly making incursions and conducting raids as far south as Zanzibar.

By the middle of the 18th century, the maritime trade of the East African coast was more or less out of the control of the Portuguese and the region had gradually resumed its pre-Portuguese commercial activities that made the area an attraction for many traders. The appearance of the British and the Dutch East India Companies was another threat to Portuguese commercial interests in East Africa.

Elsewhere in Africa the Portuguese experimented with the plantation system in São Tomé from where they introduced it to Brazil. Following this development a new periode of Portuguese exploitation of Africa started. This was in the area of the slave trade, which lasted for more than two centuries.

During the 16th century, the Portuguese concentrated their slave trading attention on the Kongo Kingdom. During the reign (1507–43) of the Christian king Afonso (Nzinga Mbemba), the Portuguese had already started to export young Kongolese across the atlantic in large numbers.

Although King Afonso disliked the slave trade, he paid in slaves for European goods and services, which he regarded as essential to his kingdom. Such services included those provided by missionaries, masons, carpenters, and other artisans. King Afonso died frustrated with his desires to see the Portuguese technologically transform his kingdom unfulfilled. Instead the slave trade continued unabated.

A turning point in Portuguese exploitation of West Central Africa came in 1575 when Paulo Dia de Novais was sent as a conquistador to Africa. From his base at Loanda, south of the Kongo frontier, several wars were waged against the so-called recalcitrant king of Ndongo, the Ngola. Sometimes the Portuguese made an alliance with the predatory Jaga group encouraging them to wage wars against Ndongo and some parts of Kongo Kingdom.

The situation was so chaotic that early 17th century Mani-Kongos had to send petitions to the Holy See through the missionaries urging them to intervene in the matter, but nothing substantial came out of it. Not even the Portuguese Crown could help the situation.

This was the development when in 1660 the Bakongo turned to war with the Portuguese. The Portuguese defeated them. Further raids weakened the kingdom. In fact many of the provinces began to break away. By 1750 the once powerful Kongo state had become a shadow of its former self.

The high demand of slaves in the Portuguese colony of Brazil put pressure on Ndongo, known as Angola by the Portuguese. The state was the largest supplier of slaves to the colony of Brazil in the whole of Africa south of the equator. The demand was so great that the Portuguese often incited the local communities to wage war on one another in the interest of obtaining slave labor for Brazil.

The Portuguese also tried their hands in commodities other than slaves, such as pepper from the Benin kingdom (in present-day Nigeria) and gold from the Gold Coast. However by 1642, the Dutch had permanently ousted the Portuguese from the Gold Coast.

This development encouraged both the English and French to join in the competition against the Portuguese. By the 18th century, it was the traders of these countries who became very active in the trade of the Gulf of Guinea, while the Portuguese continued with their slave-trading activities.

Meanwhile, before the other European powers joined in international trade, the Portuguese experimented with all sorts of goods. In the 1470s, for example, the Portuguese were able to procure cotton cloth, beads, and other items from the Benin kingdom, which they exchanged for gold on the Gold Coast. The Portuguese also participated in the trade in cowries in the Kongo and its offshore islands. They were also very active in the trade in salt along the Angolan coast.

The Portuguese dominated trade in this periode because they were better organized compared to the Africans and they were technologically superior. This showed in the way the Portuguese dislodged the Arab traders along the East African coast who had been established in the area long before the advent of the Portuguese in Africa.

Ashanti Kingdom in Africa

Ashanti yam ceremony in the Ashanti Kingdom

The Ashanti kingdom, or Asante, dominated much of the present-day state of Ghana during the period between the late 17th and early 20th centuries. It was ruled by an ethnic group called the Akan, which in turn was composed of up to 38 subgroups, such as the Bekiai, Adansi, Juabin, Kokofu, Kumasi, Mampon, Nsuta, Nkuwanta, Dadussi, Daniassi, Ofinsu, and Adjitai.

In the late 1500s, there were at least 30 small states, which corresponded to the subsections of the Akan people. By 1650, these groups had been reduced to nine, and by 1700, they united. Ultimately the groups formed a confederation headed by the chief of the Kunasi group.

The kingdom, formed by its legendary warrior Osei Tutu in 1691, was in fact a confederacy of both Akan and non-Akan people. The king’s symbol was the golden stool; equivalent to the throne, the stool became the symbol of kingship, so that a ruler was said to be enstooled or destooled.


The asantehene, or king, had authority when he was raised three times over the stool. Even after 1901, when Ashanti became a protectorate, and 1957, when it became part of the modern state of Ghana, the stool and the enstooling ceremony of the Asantehene were important ceremonies.

The Ashanti kingdom, although originally a confederacy, had three bases of power—administration, communications, and economics—and was located in what is now north Ghana. Osei Tutu took over the administration set up by Denkiyira, the former hegemon, and added to it.

Communities within 50 miles of the capital city of Kumasi were directly ruled by the asantehene. Under Osei Tutu and his successor, Osei Apoko (whose reign collectively lasted from approximately 1690 to 1750), the state expanded so much that by 1750, it encompassed about 100,000 square miles, with a population of 2 to 3 million.

All of present-day Ghana with the exception of areas directly on the coast with small adjacent areas in the contemporary states of Togo, Ivory Coast, and Burkino Faso were part of the Ashanti state.

In order to accommodate the new extent of the state, the administration divided itself into a metropolitan and a provincial area. The metropolitan area consisted of those towns within a 50-mile radius of Kumasi. The rulers of these towns were made up of the confederacy. Their only obligation was to pay annual tribute to Kumasi and troops in the event of war.

This practice was extended to newer members of the state. All towns elected a governing advisory council composed of powerful members of the community. The towns were considered part of the Kumasi sphere, as they paid taxes that supported a steady army in the early 20th century. After a revolt of a military chieftain in 1748, a palace guard was organized.

The rulers of the metropolitan spheres were members of the royal Oyoko clan and served on the royal council and had autonomy in nonfiscal and military matters. The Council for the Asantehene had gained substantial power; it occasionally destooled an incompetent ruler and formally helped to choose the new asantehene.

Bureaucratic Control

The provincial aspect of administration was subject to increased centralization as the centuries progressed. Outlying Akan districts did not participate in the royal selection process but were forced to pay taxes. By 1800, they were also forced to pay tribute.

They were subject to increasing bureaucratic control such as a state agency that controlled all internal and external trade. The non-Akan areas controlled until the mid-19th century also sent thousands of slaves annually to Kumasi.

The effectiveness of the Ashanti state relied on communication processes. The complex bureaucracy served as a conduit throughout the state. In addition both taxes and tribute were used to establish a well-maintained army throughout the century. Most famously were the talking drums.

Since the national language of Ashanti, called Twi, was polytonal, any military commander or direktur could send out messages by matching syllables to the tones of the drum in a fashion similar to Morse code.

Economics

The mainspring of the confederation was economic. It had fertile soil, forests, and mineral resources, most notably gold. The future state of Ashanti had two ecological zones. In the southern forest belt there were forests and fertile soil.

Original subsistence crops included yams, onions, and maize and, in the 19th century as farming became commercial, cola nuts and cocoa. In the northern savanna belt, there were yams and Guinea corn. The state was advantageously located for the importation of slaves from both the north and the west.

In this period, beginning in the 15th and 16th centuries and lasting until the 1830s when slavery was abolished, the Ashanti still used slave labor to plant more crops such as plantains, yams, rice, and new crops such as maize and cassava brought from the Americas. This led to an increase in population and a movement of the Akan peoples to the forest zones.

The use of slave labor was involved in its most important mineral product, gold. Akan enterprise utilized the labor of slaves for both trading with Europeans (Portuguese, Dutch, English) and in the state grassland belts first in clearing new land and then for the development of deep-level mining and placer mining.

The slave trade for gold brought more slaves to produce more gold, and slaves were also traded for firearms. The desire to exert control over gold production and the new farming communities in the forest helped facilitate state functions.

The desire to control access to labor pushed the Ashanti state in its attempt to control the coast inhabited by its Fanti peoples. The attempt to conquer the Fanti led to disputes and battles with the British, who had taken over the Gold Coast by 1815.

Earlier the Ashanti had played the Dutch and Portuguese against the British. However hostilities after 1800 erupted for control of its coast. After the Ashanti were able initially to defeat the British in 1807 and in 1824, they suffered setbacks and accepted the Prah River as a border.

Thereafter peace reigned for over 40 years. In 1872, a long-simmering dispute on the control of El Mina (the great Portuguese and Dutch post) saw a renewal of hostilities. After early Ashanti success, the British occupied Kumasi in 1874 until peace was concluded.

In the late 19th century, the state began a rapid decline. Other parts of the state broke away so that by 1900, the state had dwindled to approximately 25,000 square miles and a quarter of a million people. The British began to interfere in events in Ashanti.

In 1896, they deposed the asantehene and in 1900, a British demand for the golden stool resulted in an uprising that was put down in 1901, after which Ashanti was a protectorate. Incredibly, the golden stool was never surrendered and was restored to the nation after being “accidentally” found in 1921. In 1926, the asantehene was restored to the stool, and in 1935, its ceremonial role in Ashanti was formally restored.

During the colonial period, its population increased more than fourfold. The Ashanti peoples engaged in cocoa growing while also actively producing crafts such as weaving, wood carving, ceramics, and pottery making. The bronze and brass artifacts produced by the lostwax process became prominently displayed in museums throughout the globe. Since 1935, the kingdom, now part of Ghana, has been organized into 21 districts.

Throughout its golden age, the Ashanti state demonstrated impressive flexibility, often at the expense of neighbors whom it enslaved and whose tribute it exacted. It continued to increase production in the gold mines and to migrate and clear forest for agricultural production. It utilized the slave trade to increase its military might and diplomacy to key European allies.

After slavery was abolished, it found a new economic outlet in cola nuts, and in the 20th century, the production of cocoa, Ghana’s biggest export. Even in independent Ghana, the Ashanti kingdom still maintains a clear existence and the Ashanti people have retained their cultural identity.